Skip to main content

House Publications

The Debates are the report—transcribed, edited, and corrected—of what is said in the House. The Journals are the official record of the decisions and other transactions of the House. The Order Paper and Notice Paper contains the listing of all items that may be brought forward on a particular sitting day, and notices for upcoming items.

For an advanced search, use Publication Search tool.

If you have any questions or comments regarding the accessibility of this publication, please contact us at accessible@parl.gc.ca.

Previous day publication Next day publication
Skip to Document Navigation Skip to Document Content

45th PARLIAMENT, 1st SESSION

EDITED HANSARD • No. 132

CONTENTS

Tuesday, June 9, 2026




Emblem of the House of Commons

House of Commons Debates

Volume 152
No. 132
1st SESSION
45th PARLIAMENT

OFFICIAL REPORT (HANSARD)

Tuesday, June 9, 2026

Speaker: The Honourable Francis Scarpaleggia


    The House met at 10 a.m.

Prayer



Routine Proceedings

[Routine Proceedings]

(1000)

[English]

Instruction to Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security

    That it be an instruction to the Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security that, during its consideration of Bill C-22, An Act respecting lawful access:
(a) the committee be granted the power to divide the bill into two pieces of legislation:
(i) Bill C-22A, An Act respecting Timely Access to Data and Information, containing Part 1,
(ii) Bill C-22B, An Act respecting lawful access, containing the remaining parts of Bill C-22; and
(b) that Bill C-22A be reported back to the House no later than five sitting days following the adoption of this motion.
     He said: Mr. Speaker, it is always a pleasure to rise on behalf of the people from Kamloops—Thompson—Nicola.
     I just learned that if I pause for a brief second before it is time to talk, my colleagues will clap. I feel like a professional wrestler who pauses for people to cheer them on. I thank my colleagues for clapping. I wish I had that power when I was out on the street. I would simply pause, wait and listen, and people would clap. I thank my colleagues for edifying me in that way.
     It is always a pleasure to rise in this House, but it is a particular pleasure to rise with respect to this motion. I am going to read my motion into the record and expand on it for the next few minutes, because I believe it is an important motion. The motion states:
    That it be an instruction to the Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security that, during its consideration of Bill C-22, An Act respecting lawful access:
(a) the committee be granted the power to divide the bill into two pieces of legislation:
(i) Bill C-22A, An Act respecting Timely Access to Data and Information, containing Part 1,
(ii) Bill C-22B, An Act respecting lawful access, containing the remaining parts of Bill C-22; and
(b) that Bill C-22A be reported back to the House no later than five sitting days following the adoption of this motion.
    Before I begin, I want to recognize that my niece was recently engaged. I want to give a shout-out to my niece, Juliana Bradley, and her new fiancé, Dayton Vidovich. I wish them happy nuptials as they set a date. I am very proud to be an uncle to Juliana. We are very proud of the young woman she has become. She is a force in her world as she navigates adulthood, and she is doing so well. We are so proud of her and Dayton, and I wish them all the best in their engagement.
     I am going to begin my remarks by speaking to law enforcement and Canadians generally. Conservatives believe law enforcement has not had the appropriate tools to fight crime. I look back on Bill C-5, for instance, which was passed here when then Minister Lametti justified people getting house arrest for drive-by shootings. That was just last Parliament. The Liberals will come in here and say they are tough on crime, yet that law still stands. For extortions with a firearm, drive-by shootings and robberies with a firearm, a person can serve their sentence on house arrest. This narrative the Liberals are pushing about how they are tough on crime and the Conservatives are not is simply untrue.
     It has always given me great pleasure to speak in the House. Speaking for the next few minutes on a bill I have devoted substantial time to is something I have looked forward to. With that, I know there is another colleague of mine who has spent a fair amount of time on this. That is the member for York—Durham, with whom I will be splitting my time.
    Where does that leave us? It leaves us needing to have an appropriate lawful access regime that gives law enforcement the tools it needs and also, and this is the big also, respects the charter rights and privacy rights of Canadians. I believe that needle can be threaded. It is the government that drafts this legislation. It is the government that has to convince Canadians that the needle has been threaded. Thus far, when it comes to the committee, the government, to be very candid, has failed.
    For those who do not know a lot about this bill, there are two parts. Part 1 is not all that contentious. Part 1 looks at a confirmation of subscriber information and a streamlined mechanism to get production orders.
(1005)
    There is a bit of controversy around whether that should be on the threshold of what is called reasonable grounds to believe or of what is called reasonable grounds to suspect. Reasonable grounds to believe is when a police officer has reasonable grounds to believe a crime has been committed and there is evidence present in the records or the place. Reasonable grounds to suspect is, I believe, above a hunch but below that belief, which we call a subjective belief in law. Witnesses have said there are charter considerations under section 8, and if we go to the reasonable grounds to suspect, it might be too low of a threshold. The government has attempted to make the case that there is a limited body of information that would be produced, hence the lower threshold.
    I believe we will get through this at committee. The Conservatives have put forward a number of amendments. My colleagues from the NDP and the Bloc have also put forward a number of amendments. That is not the contentious issue. I believe this would be very helpful to law enforcement. Law enforcement has told us this. Right now, law enforcement often has to go on a fishing expedition, going to provider after provider.
     I will be very clear. I will be sending a letter to the public safety minister very shortly, saying the Conservatives are prepared to pass part 1 once we get through clause-by-clause. I hope that is sufficiently clear.
    My exhortation to the government is to take what we have so far and give it to law enforcement, because part 2 is highly contentious. I understand that law enforcement has asked for part 2, but in the committee's clause-by-clause process of part 2, the government has failed to convince Canadians that the lawful access regime it has put forward would balance the tools that are required with the charter and privacy rights of Canadians. That is where we stand.
     In fact, the government thought it could just ram this through committee. One of my greatest issues with this is how little time there has been. The Liberals may say we have studied this for quite some time, but here is the problem. This is a very contentious and technical bill. We had panels of experts, sometimes with three experts per panel, who gave five-minute opening statements, and then we were all expected to question these experts over a one-hour period. We had literally 45 minutes with three experts. That meant we were not really able to flesh out the details.
    So far, the government has said we need this bill because it wants to catch people who are committing nefarious acts. No one will ever hear me saying we do not want to catch terrorists or child predators. I have spent much of my life on the latter issue. However, we need to catch them in a way that is constitutional, whereby the government does not ask us to give it this, “just because”. The government failed to come to the committee table, say precisely what we need and why, and tell us how it is going to balance those charter rights.
    Let us pass part 1 to give law enforcement those powers.
    At the end of the day, we have spent a great deal of time on this, but we need more time on Bill C-22. I think we should be recalling witnesses. The fact is that we had so little time. We often had three experts on a panel. I would maybe get six minutes, and I am the lead critic on this. That was not enough.
    I see my time has come to an end. I will now take questions and comments from my colleagues.
(1010)
    Madam Speaker, it is somewhat shameful that the Conservative Party likes to talk as if they are tough on crime. In reality, we have witnessed the Conservative Party bend at the knees, not recognizing the importance of action.
     This government, under this Prime Minister, just over a year ago, was elected with a substantial legislative agenda to deal with getting tough on crime, and the Conservative Party has been the biggest barrier to that happening. It needs to take responsibility.
    Why will the Conservative Party not recognize what law enforcement agencies across this nation are asking for? They are asking for lawful access, which is something other Five Eyes countries have. Only Canada does not have it.
     Why is the Conservative Party continuing to filibuster on lawful access?
     Madam Speaker, I wish I could take the member to law school for one seminar, because he pontificates like a lawyer and tries to sound like a lawyer, but—
    An hon. member: Oh, oh!
    Frank Caputo: Oh, he is smarter than a lawyer. Okay, great. Thanks for that heckle from across the way.
    Madam Speaker, even the member does not agree. Anybody watching at home cannot hear this, but the member is saying, “I am?”
     The government members cannot sit here and say that they have been tough on crime. Someone could still get house arrest for a drive-by shooting, I will remind the member.
    What the member did not talk about is what is in the bill. This is exactly the trap the Liberals have fallen into: Give us this, and to heck with the charter and with concerns of Canadians. This is the arrogance of the Liberal Party, and that is why Bill C‑22 is where it is at.
    Madam Speaker, we just heard from the member for Winnipeg North, who has sat in the House, in government, for 11 years but has done nothing to crack down on crime. The Liberals brought in Bill C‑5 and Bill C‑75, which do everything within their power to put violent criminals back out on the streets, yet now he hectors Conservatives for not doing enough for the Liberals while they are in government.
    What does the member think of the government's pontificating again about being tough on crime?
     Madam Speaker, let us talk about Bill C‑75. The member across the way from Winnipeg talks about being tough on crime as Liberals, but there is more. If someone is accused of an offence, Bill C‑75 says they get bail on the least restrictive conditions at the earliest possible opportunity. Why will the member not rise—
    An hon. member: Oh, oh!
    Frank Caputo: Madam Speaker, he said that was pre-this government.
    Who is in power now? It is the current Liberal government. Who is not acting on Bill C‑75? It is the Liberal government. Who is allowing the status quo to be maintained on Bill C‑75 with a majority? It is the Liberal government. Spare us the rhetoric on Bill C‑75's being tough on crime, until the government is prepared to deal with the least onerous measures bail provisions in Bill C‑75.
    The member should take a seat, because we put forward legislation on this, the jail not bail act. The Liberals voted against it.
(1015)

[Translation]

    Madam Speaker, I am rather surprised by the member's comments and by the fact that he is proposing to delay the passage of this bill by failing to abide by our rules. The member gave a good description of the process in committee, where there are five‑minute speeches and then time for questions. That said, we also have the opportunity to hear from experts who present briefs, so we take all the time we need to really benefit from the informed perspectives provided by experts. There is no challenge when it comes to decision-making, and we need to act now.
    Can we move forward with this bill now?

[English]

    Madam Speaker, I am so glad to have received that comment, because, get this, amendments were due on Bill C‑22, but we did not have briefings. There were actually multiple briefings that were not provided to the committee. Witnesses came to committee, for my hon. colleague's edification, saying that they had submitted a brief days ago. We looked around, and I asked my staff, “Did we get that?” They said no. Then I asked the clerk if we had received it, and the answer was no.
    The member talks about briefings, but we did not even have those briefings. It speaks to how quickly this was rushed. We need to slow it down, pass part 1 and leave part 2.
     Madam Speaker, it is a pleasure to speak to Bill C‑22 again. I spoke about it at second reading, raising my significant concerns with the Liberals' latest attempt at lawful access legislation here in Canada. In that speech, I focused on part 2, but I want to focus this morning on part 1 and, in particular, our motion to split the bill between part 1 and part 2. Part 1 has largely been referred to as the confirmation of service portion of Bill C‑22, and part 2 is about the new lawful access, government surveillance architecture that is quite problematic, but we will leave part 2 for most of this morning.
    What we are trying to do with the motion is salvage a huge mess the government has created. The government presented a bill in the fall, I believe it was Bill C‑2, with a whole host of problems. Thankfully we were able to prevent its passage. Then, instead of going back to the drawing board and coming back to Parliament with a proposal on lawful access that would be reasonable and proportionate, and that would balance the needs of law enforcement to catch the bad guys, which we all want to do, with protecting Canadians' reasonable expectation of privacy on things that are important to them, such as their location data, their metadata, whom they visit and whom they send emails and text messages to, we got Bill C‑22.
    Bill C‑22 would create a whole new part 2 architecture on surveillance, which industry, technology companies and any people who know anything about tech have uniformly come out and opposed. We have not been able to hear from all those voices, because it seems to be the intent of the government to push the bill forward. We are trying to salvage a mess the government has created with Bill C‑22, because we think there are parts of part 1 that could be salvaged.
    I am going to try to explain some of the problems that exist with part 1 that I think we could amend in committee. Some of those amendments are before the committee right now and will be discussed later today. If we make those amendments, then I think part 1 would be more amenable to this side of the House. We will see how interested the government is in passing a piece of the legislation, but I think the government quite clearly understands that part 2 is a problem.
    Part 1 and part 2 both have problems. Let us start with the part 1 problem. Within part 1, there are, I think, three problems we want to try to solve. Part 1 would allow police to ask a whole host of providers, “Do you offer services or provide services to this particular Canadian?” Unfortunately, the type of information that police would be allowed to request, with no judicial authorization, I will note, which is different from the new production request that I will get to in a moment, also in part 1, includes a whole host of personally identifying information.
    That information includes more than just someone's name. It can also include the types of services that are being offered by companies. It may be what one might, in a common-sense way, think the police are asking for, such as “Does this person have Internet with Bell or Rogers?” However, it could be far more expansive than that.
    What we are proposing to do is narrow the range of the types of information that could be requested. If the Liberals are serious about the police just needing confirmation of service, okay, that is great. Let us narrow it to names and perhaps certain types of addresses, and keep the list very narrow. Right now the list is open-ended, which creates a possibility that the types of information police could get under part 1 would actually be pretty broad.
    This is a point that was raised by the Privacy Commissioner in their submission to the public safety committee and the Minister of Public Safety. In fact, it was a recommendation by the Privacy Commissioner that the range of information under this provision of part 1 be narrowed, so, I believe, both the Conservatives and the Bloc Québécois proposed an amendment to do that. Unfortunately, it has not yet been accepted by the Liberals.
(1020)
     Worse than that, not only are the Liberals refusing to accept good-faith amendments about our concerns, but the amendment itself was proposed by the Privacy Commissioner, and they are refusing to allow the Privacy Commissioner to be present at committee when these amendments are being discussed. The Privacy Commissioner made several amendments. I just mentioned the first one. I will mention two more with respect to part 1.
    During debate on this, Conservatives requested that the Privacy Commissioner be granted the same opportunity as other government-related officials who are, in the normal course, permitted to attend and to provide information to committee members and answer their questions. We asked for it as a motion. We asked for it on unanimous consent. Every time, it was denied. I have not heard a good reason why the Privacy Commissioner should not be permitted to attend committee and be available to parliamentarians, whether Conservative, Bloc, or Liberal, to answer questions about the amendments to part 1.
    The second problem with part 2 is the range of providers that can be requested to provide confirmation of service. Right now, it is anyone who provides telecommunications services. That is not very well defined in the act, so it could encompass a whole host of providers beyond the normal telcos. That could include, say, a lawyer, a grocery store or the hotel someone stayed at.
    Again, we have suggested an amendment, which was originally proposed by the Privacy Commissioner, to narrow to just telcos the range of who could receive this confirmation request, because that is the first thing law enforcement wants to know: Are they providing a telecom or Internet service to a particular person? Again, the Privacy Commissioner was denied the opportunity to be present at committee to answer questions on the amendment of narrowing the range of who could receive this request.
    The third amendment, which I hope we will get to in committee, but I do not believe we have yet, is that once this request is made and once information is provided to law enforcement, the person who has provided the information to law enforcement should be required to produce a document that sets out what information was provided. This is so that, in case something goes wrong and we need to know what was provided, we have a document that says what they provided. Again, this is a recommendation from the Privacy Commissioner that Liberals have refused.
    Those are three critical problems on the substantive side with part 1, and I will add one more to that. This is the threshold issue on the production order request, which is the second part of part 1. We have conservation of service, and then production order. The Liberals have proposed to lower the threshold for obtaining a production order, to reasonable suspicion. This would be lowered from the traditional grounds for obtaining a production order, which is reasonable grounds to believe. In this case, it would have judicial oversight of some manner, which would not necessarily have to be a judge. It could be another judicial official, such as a peace officer who is not a judge. It would not even have to be a lawyer.
    For the non-lawyers or people who are not initiated in these two thresholds, I will explain that this would be an important change, because the first one, reasonable suspicion, is simply someone's subjective view that they think something bad has happened. They think a crime has been committed, so they need some information to see if they are right. That is a very low threshold. It is like a hunch. It is as if I have a hunch that someone committed a crime, so I am going to get the government to give me all their personal information. I do not think that sounds like a good idea.
    What should be approved through amendment to the bill is bringing that standard back up to the standard that has been used for production orders in the Criminal Code for decades, which is reasonable grounds to believe. This means that not only would someone have to have a hunch, but they would also have to have an objective belief that there is going to be some evidence. It is not enough that someone thinks someone has committed a crime. They have to know that there is some evidence or have a good belief that there is evidence.
    Through decades of jurisprudence from the Supreme Court and all common-law jurisdictions, the court has said it is not enough to just have a hunch. In the common law and now under the charter, we must have more than a hunch to invade someone's privacy and demand information about them. If the Liberals will not change that standard, then we will oppose part 1 as well.
(1025)
     Madam Speaker, it is really rich to hear the Conservatives talking about the Supreme Court and upholding a Supreme Court decision because generally what I have heard in debate over the last several months is, “Just don't listen to the Supreme Court. Do everything to oppose their decisions in the past.”
    I would also like to say that many of the members get up and ask about organized crime in question period every day. The only way to fight organized crime is to make sure we give police the tools so that they can get evidence. Criminal organizations are using modern tools. They are using technology.
    Why have the Conservatives been supporting the big tech companies instead of supporting Canadians and their public safety?
    Madam Speaker, everything we do on this side of the House is for the benefit of Canadians, and that includes striking a balance between their privacy and the needs of law enforcement. I have tried to make very reasonable and sensible arguments here, not hyperbole.
    To clarify to the member, it is the strength of the Supreme Court's reasons that is important. It does not matter that the court sits on high. It is the strength of its reasons that we look to. In this case, its reasoning on section 8 and unreasonable search and seizure has a long history, and I support it. It is not just because Supreme Court justices sit in robes that we listen to them. It is because of the strength of their reasons. That is very important, and the member misses that.

[Translation]

    Madam Speaker, I know that my colleague is very concerned about the issues raised by Bill C-22, and I understand that the purpose of today's motion is to split the bill, but I would like to hear my colleague's views on the substance of the matter.
    One of the concerns he raised is that, if Bill C-22 is passed, it will allow people's personal information to be retained for one year. He touched on the issue briefly, but what is his interpretation of the type of information that could be retained under Bill C-22, as presently worded? Does it include geolocation data?

[English]

     Madam Speaker, I would describe Bill C-22 right now as a big, fat dumpster fire. This is the government's dumpster fire, which this motion is trying to fix. What the member quite rightly points out is that in part 2, there is a metadata retention requirement, and that includes one's location services.
    That means that law enforcement, or any other part of government, can choose to get this information later. We have seen in other countries that it does not stop at law enforcement. Other government agencies look for that information. They will know who someone had coffee with because they will be able to see two iPhones at the same location. They will know if someone goes to church on Sunday because they will see a pattern. All of that reveals very private information, which is exactly why, in the EU, the European Court of Justice said that this information is very private, and it struck down the very same metadata retention requirements that Bill C-22 includes.
(1030)
     Madam Speaker, my colleague mentioned that this includes any organization or any company that transmits electronic data on behalf of a client.
    Would this include physicians, the medical field, where they either fax or email prescriptions to the drugstore? They are transmitting electronically on behalf of a client. Would that be subject to part 1 of Bill C-22?
    Madam Speaker, that is a good question. There are certain carve-outs in the bill that are attempting to address this issue, on medical records and solicitor-client privilege, I believe. The problem is that this is very vague, in part 1 especially, and the Privacy Commissioner makes this point. The list of entities that could be requested to provide information is very broad, so it would include more than just telecoms. The information that they would be requested to provide is non-exhaustive. It could go beyond just what it says in the bill.
    We are trying to fix that in part 1 so that we do not get in a situation. It would not be a doctor, because that is carved out, but there are a lot of other health care providers in there who may touch on someone's information. That is private. That should be protected. We need to fix that in part 1. If we fix that in part 1, I think we have a path forward. Right now, we do not have a path forward.
    That the House do now proceed to orders of the day.

[Translation]

    If a member participating in person wishes that the motion be carried or carried on division, or if a member of a recognized party participating in person wishes to request a recorded division, I would invite them to rise and indicate it to the Chair.

[English]

    Madam Speaker, we request a recorded vote, please.
(1115)

[Translation]

    (The House divided on the motion, which was agreed to on the following division:)

(Division No. 141)

YEAS

Members

Acan
Al Soud
Ali
Alty
Anandasangaree
Auguste
Bains
Baker
Bardeesy
Battiste
Beech
Begum
Belanger (Desnethé—Missinippi—Churchill River)
Bendayan
Bittle
Blois
Brière
Carney
Carr
Casey
Chagger
Champagne
Chang
Chartrand
Chatel
Chen
Chenette
Chi
Clark
Connors
Cormier
Coteau
Dandurand
Danko
d'Entremont
Deschênes-Thériault
Desrochers
Dhaliwal
Dhillon
Diab
Duclos
Duguid
Dzerowicz
Earle
Ehsassi
El-Khoury
Erskine-Smith
Eyolfson
Fancy
Fanjoy
Fergus
Fisher
Fonseca
Fortier
Fragiskatos
Fraser
Fry
Fuhr
Gaheer
Gainey
Gasparro
Gerretsen
Gladu
Gould
Grant
Greaves
Guay
Guilbeault
Gull-Masty
Hanley
Harrison
Hepfner
Hirtle
Hodgson
Housefather
Hussen
Iacono
Idlout
Jaczek
Jeneroux
Joly
Joseph
Kayabaga
Kelloway
Khalid
Klassen
Koutrakis
Lalonde
Lambropoulos
Lamoureux
Lapointe (Rivière-des-Mille-Îles)
Lapointe (Sudbury)
Lattanzio
Lauzon
Lavack
Lavoie
LeBlanc
Leitão
Lightbound
Long
Louis (Kitchener—Conestoga)
Ma
MacDonald (Malpeque)
MacDonald (Cardigan)
MacKinnon (Gatineau)
Malette (Bay of Quinte)
Maloney
Martin
McGuinty
McKelvie
McKinnon (Coquitlam—Port Coquitlam)
McKnight
McLean (Esquimalt—Saanich—Sooke)
Ménard
Mendès
Michel
Miedema
Miller
Mingarelli
Morrissey
Myles
Naqvi
Nathan
Nguyen
Noormohamed
Ntumba
Oliphant
Olszewski
O'Rourke
Osborne
Petitpas Taylor
Powlowski
Provost
Ramsay
Rana
Robertson
Rochefort
Romanado
Royer
Sahota
Saini
Sarai
Sari
Sawatzky
Schiefke
Sgro
Sheehan
Sidhu (Brampton East)
Sidhu (Brampton South)
Sodhi
Solomon
Sousa
St-Pierre
Sudds
Tesser Derksen
Thompson
Turnbull
Valdez
van Koeverden
Vandenbeld
Villeneuve
Watchorn
Weiler
Wilkinson
Yip
Zahid
Zuberi

Total: -- 167


NAYS

Members

Aboultaif
Aitchison
Albas
Allison
Anderson
Anstey
Arnold
Au
Baber
Bailey
Baldinelli
Barlow
Barrett
Barsalou-Duval
Beaulieu
Bélanger (Sudbury East—Manitoulin—Nickel Belt)
Bexte
Bezan
Blanchet
Blanchette-Joncas
Block
Bonin
Bonk
Borrelli
Boulerice
Bragdon
Brassard
Brock
Brunelle-Duceppe
Calkins
Caputo
Chambers
Champoux
Chong
Cobena
Cody
Cooper
Dalton
Davidson
Davies (Vancouver Kingsway)
Davies (Niagara South)
Dawson
DeBellefeuille
Deltell
DeRidder
Deschênes
Diotte
Doherty
Dowdall
Duncan
Falk (Battlefords—Lloydminster—Meadow Lake)
Falk (Provencher)
Fortin
Gallant
Garon
Gaudreau
Gazan
Généreux
Genuis
Gill (Calgary Skyview)
Gill (Brampton West)
Gill (Calgary McKnight)
Gill (Windsor West)
Gill (Côte-Nord—Kawawachikamach—Nitassinan)
Gill (Abbotsford—South Langley)
Godin
Goodridge
Gourde
Groleau
Guglielmin
Gunn
Hallan
Hardy
Ho
Hoback
Holman
Jackson
Jansen
Jivani
Johns
Kelly
Khanna
Kibble
Kirkland
Kmiec
Konanz
Kram
Kramp-Neuman
Kronis
Kuruc
Kusie
Kwan
Lake
Lantsman
Larouche
Lawrence
Lawton
Lefebvre
Lemire
Leslie
Lewis (Essex)
Lewis (Haldimand—Norfolk)
Lloyd
Lobb
Mahal
Majumdar
Malette (Kapuskasing—Timmins—Mushkegowuk)
Mantle
Martel
May
Mazier
McCauley
McKenzie
McLean (Calgary Centre)
McPherson
Melillo
Menegakis
Moore
Morin
Morrison
Motz
Muys
Nater
Normandin
Patzer
Paul-Hus
Perron
Poilievre
Redekopp
Reid
Rempel Garner
Roberts
Rood
Ross
Rowe
Ruff
Savard-Tremblay
Scheer
Schmale
Seeback
Shipley
Simard
Small
Steinley
Ste-Marie
Stevenson
Strahl
Strauss
Thomas
Tochor
Tolmie
Uppal
Van Popta
Vien
Viersen
Vis
Wagantall
Warkentin
Waugh
Williamson
Zimmer

Total: -- 161


PAIRED

Members

Anand
Church
Dabrusin
Dancho
Epp
Hajdu
Hogan
Plamondon
Reynolds
Stubbs
Thériault
Zerucelli

Total: -- 12


    I declare the motion carried.

Government Orders

[Government Orders]

[English]

Build Canada Homes Act

Bill C‑20—Time Allocation Motion

    That in relation to Bill C-20, an act respecting the establishment of Build Canada Homes, not more than five further hours shall be allotted to the consideration at the third reading stage of the said bill; and
     That, at the expiry of the five hours provided for consideration at the third reading stage of the said bill, any proceedings before the House shall be interrupted, if required for the purpose of this order, and in turn every question necessary for the disposal of the said stage of the bill then under consideration shall be put forthwith and successively without further debate or amendment.
     Pursuant to Standing Order 67.1, there will now be a 30‑minute question period.
     Members will recall that the preference for questions during the 30 minutes is provided to the opposition, but not to the exclusion of some members from the government side. Members should keep their interventions to approximately one minute, and they may speak more than once.
     I now invite hon. members who wish to ask questions to rise or use the “raise hand” function so the Chair has some idea of the number of members who wish to participate in this question period.
    Questions and comments, the hon. member for Parry Sound—Muskoka.
    Mr. Speaker, could the minister explain to the House why we are rushing through this bill now, keeping in mind, of course, that the federal government now has four federal housing agencies?
     We started with the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation which is the original Crown corporation that actually solved the crisis after the Second World War. Then there was the Canada Lands Company which is a Crown corporation as well. It was created after CN was spun off. They develop land and do it reasonably well. There is the ministry. Then they created this thing called Build Canada Homes, which was another agency.
     Now, in the final stages of the sitting in this session, the Liberals are scrambling to move this time allocation to not just have this agency but to turn it into a Crown corporation. For the record, if people are counting, that makes three federal Crown corporations engaged in the housing file, on top of the Department of Housing, Infrastructure and Communities.
     I guess the question has two parts. Why do we need a fourth housing agency, a third federal Crown corporation, and why are we rushing through to get this corporation created?
(1120)
    Mr. Speaker, first and foremost, we are in a housing crisis in Canada.
     Affordability is a challenge for too many Canadians: finding an affordable place to live, finding a place to live at all for those who are at risk or are homeless currently. We need to take action here. This is a dedicated agency for affordable housing, for non-market housing, the supply of which is short in Canada compared to our peer countries in Europe, where there is several times more non-market housing. We need an agency that is dedicated to that.
     We are in a crisis. That is why it is urgent that we have this agency created as a Crown corporation with the powers and accountability that enables, ensuring that we are taking action and delivering results as the Government of Canada, partnering with provinces, territories, cities and indigenous governments, and ensuring that we are delivering the affordable housing Canada needs.
    Madam Speaker, the government loves to create bureaucracy, and a good example is what is happening here today. I guess my question for the minister has to do with building codes. There are ways the government could simplify and get more housing built without spending money and creating more bureaucracies, but actually simplifying life and letting industry and other people get the job done for prices that people can afford.
     Has the minister ever talked to the Minister of Industry about building codes and how to get them simplified, and how to make sure people know what changes will cost, so Canadians can build more homes and have more affordable housing?
    Madam Speaker, in the spring economic update there was a signal of the opportunity to work on the national model codes, the building codes for Canada, with the National Research Council, which is under the Minister of Industry. We have big opportunities across the country to ensure that building codes are more harmonized with provinces, territories and, in some cases, cities that control their own codes. We certainly have an opportunity to have a clearer set of standards around manufactured building components and to make sure that we have those standards accepted across the country, so manufacturers of wall panels, floor panels and modular homes can have an opportunity to have those products certified and accepted across the country. We see that as an important next step that is certainly related to the work we are doing.
     Madam Speaker, I listened to one of the Minister of Housing's answers, and he said, “We are in a housing crisis”. The simple question is “Why?” The Liberals have been in government for 11 years, and they are acting like this housing crisis came out of nowhere. The policies that they have put in place caused this housing crisis with red tape. We talked to municipalities. The fact that the Liberals are blaming this housing crisis on anyone other than themselves is confusing, because the Liberals have been in government for 10 years.
    Who created this housing crisis?
    Madam Speaker, the housing crisis has been decades in the making. It goes back to the federal government not taking enough action to build affordable housing and non-market housing. It goes back at least to the nineties, and arguably before that. Governments of all stripes take responsibility; governments at all levels or orders across Canada as well. Certainly, there are challenges at the local level. I served at the local level. There are challenges in approving enough, approving fast enough and approving a balanced mix with non-market. Non-market housing needs the support of provincial and federal governments. There has to be investment in that. Build Canada Homes is an excellent vehicle to fast-track, and attract private capital to, non-market housing and the affordable housing spectrum.

[Translation]

    Madam Speaker, I want to take advantage of the minister's presence here to tell him about what is happening in my riding, in the Gaspé region and in the Magdalen Islands. The cost to build housing is not the same across the board. In the Gaspé region, in particular, it often costs about 25% more because of the remote location and the fact that there is less competition. It is even worse in the Magdalen Islands because all the materials have to be brought in by ship.
    Here is my concern and my question for the minister. First, is he aware that the regions may have different construction costs? Second, will Build Canada Homes have the flexibility it needs in its support for housing projects in order to adapt to regional realities?
    Otherwise, what is happening right now is that projects in my riding are stalled because they cannot be completed within the budget, given that construction costs were based on cost estimates in urban areas.
(1125)

[English]

     Madam Speaker, costs do vary significantly across the country, certainly in the member opposite's riding and in the territories. The good news is that we have agreements now with Quebec to build, with Build Canada Homes, hundreds and hundreds of homes throughout Quebec in partnership with Quebec. As well, there are examples in Nunavut: 750 homes with the territorial Government of Nunavut and with Nunavut Tunngavik Inc., the housing corporation in Nunavut that is Inuit-controlled.
    We have opportunities to build with provinces and territories where the cost is significantly higher. This affords an opportunity also to empower the manufacturing industry and get components of housing or volumetric housing to those remote territories and provinces. We see manufacturers now starting to set up in many parts of Canada to bring more efficiency to the farther regions out and bring those costs down as well.
    Madam Speaker, I am sure the minister would agree that it is critically important that we work collaboratively with other jurisdictions, whether it is provinces, indigenous people or other stakeholders. It is very clear that the Conservatives made the decision long ago that they do not support Bill C‑20. If it was up to the Conservative Party, Bill C‑20 would never, ever pass. That is why I appreciate what the Minister of Housing is doing today. Given the importance of collaboration, I wonder if he can expand upon that point. He made reference to the province of Quebec and the benefits of collaboration.
    Could the minister just expand on that and provide some comments on accountability within the legislation also?
    Madam Speaker, to the point of collaboration, we have seen fantastic uptake from provinces and territories. I mentioned Quebec moments ago and Nunavut. We have a partnership with B.C. to build 1,100 new affordable homes and 700 of those are supportive and transitional homes for those who are homeless or at risk of homelessness. Both Nova Scotia and New Brunswick are in partnership with Build Canada Homes for more than 1,000 homes.
    Right out of the gate, we have agreements with provinces and territories; Yukon and Nunavut are examples, as are Ontario and Quebec. We have opportunities to build in every province and territory right now, and existing agreements are in place. That speaks to that collaboration. I think we are seeing the interest and the uptake. It is not only from different levels of government, like the City of Ottawa, but also from the private sector.
    Madam Speaker, it is always a pleasure to rise on behalf of the people from Kamloops—Thompson—Nicola. Those watching at home may not realize this, but MPs have a mechanism by which we can contact one another directly. I sent the minister three emails directly. Candidly, I have sent notes to other ministers and they respond typically within 12 to 24 hours. It shows respect among ministers and members of Parliament to do that. Not once has he responded.
    What kind of example is the minister setting, as a minister of the Crown, when he cannot even respond to notes from another member of Parliament?
    Madam Speaker, I would ask the member to walk across the floor. I would be happy for him to come over and talk. We are here in Ottawa all the time. If he wants to be more bureaucratic and send emails, there is that, but I am here. I am here to talk about this. We are here to get housing built. That is the goal. I have certainly been approached and had conversations with many members on both sides of the House. I am certainly willing to focus on getting housing built in all the communities across Canada.
(1130)

[Translation]

    Madam Speaker, I would like to continue the discussion with the minister.
    He mentioned prefabricated houses, and I am aware that both the Quebec and Canadian governments prefer them as a means of reducing costs. However, what we are seeing in the Gaspé Peninsula is that prefabricated components have to be shipped, and that poses a problem.
    I therefore ask that, when planning future programs, the government consider that prefabricated houses, if built in the city, will have to be shipped to the regions, which adds to the cost. So far, in the Gaspé Peninsula, we have determined that it does not actually work out to be any cheaper in the end.
    I would also like to mention the company Les Habitations Mont-Carleton, which is based in Matane and aims to become a Canadian leader. I think they have a bright future.
    Can the minister assure us that, even if the government makes a shift towards prefabricated housing, the cost of shipping the components will be taken into account?

[English]

    Madam Speaker, there are challenging costs related to shipping anything to remote regions of Canada, and that is factored into the cost. Build Canada Homes has to factor that in when it is putting together these partnerships with provinces and territories, or with community builders in various regions around the country.
    The benefit of shipping manufactured components or volumetric homes is that is all that is being shipped: We are not shipping extra materials that are cut off and then turned into waste. Construction waste is the number one source of waste in solid waste landfills. We need to reduce the amount of waste in the industry, and we can do that with shipping. We have to factor in that cost. Ideally, we need to employ as many local people as we can for the assembly or installation of these homes.
    Madam Speaker, I find it very funny that one member of the Conservative Party was talking about sending emails to the minister when his leader was asking the members of the Conservative Party not to send letters of support for projects under the housing accelerator fund. Can members imagine that?
    We welcomed the minister in New Brunswick a couple of months ago for a wonderful announcement, a $300‑million agreement with New Brunswick to be able to build up to 1,500 N.B. homes. Can the minister elaborate a bit more on this wonderful agreement we signed with New Brunswick? There are actually announcements happening right now across New Brunswick about some of those projects.
    Madam Speaker, I thank the member for his leadership in New Brunswick.
    The province of New Brunswick certainly has been an early adopter of manufacturing and modern methods of construction. There are many companies now set up in New Brunswick producing homes or components of homes.
    Some hon. members: Oh, oh!
    Order. The minister is trying to answer the hon. member's question.
    The minister has the floor.
    Madam Speaker, we see great leadership from New Brunswick, not only with respect to the 1,500 homes that are now in the works, between Build Canada Homes and New Brunswick, but also on the manufacturing side. It is one of the leading provinces in manufacturing homes and components of buildings and homes. That is where we see the future.
     Certainly, New Brunswick can produce for other Atlantic provinces as well, and ship within the region, but we are seeing that opportunity with manufacturing emerging in many other parts of the country. We are also seeing opportunities, like with New Brunswick's model, where there are a lot of smaller projects in rural communities in New Brunswick that are being coordinated by New Brunswick as a province, the housing minister and his team. That is a fantastic model for getting a lot of different types of projects, small, medium and large, built across the province. We hope to see that in many other provinces and territories.
    Madam Speaker, the annual report from housing advocate Marie-Josée Houle, who is also a cabinet adviser, says that “the current pace of building deeply affordable homes is so slow that it [will] take over 1,000 years” to get to where we need to be.
     Housing is a provincial and municipal jurisdiction. All these agencies are working as fronts for private interests. What we need is for the government to cut taxes and just get out of the way so that we can get the homes built.
(1135)
    Madam Speaker, as the member said, we are not building affordable homes fast enough. That is why we need to have Build Canada Homes as a Crown corporation, with all of the tools, financial instruments and accountability to make sure we can build faster from the federal side. We need to have these partnerships in place. We need to make it easier for the private sector to build. We need to make sure it is faster for the cities, provinces, territories and indigenous governments to get housing built. We need to be an enabler or a catalyst. We certainly rely primarily on the private sector to do the actual construction and building. All levels of government need to be coordinated to make sure it is easier and faster to get affordable housing built.
    Madam Speaker, I find it interesting that back in 2017, when the Trudeau government came out with its national housing strategy, it gave it to the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation, the first federal Crown corporation for housing, which delivered those programs, among other things. The CMHC does a lot of research on housing, probably more research than any other group in the country, in fact, and it is well respected. It also insures mortgages.
    I find it interesting that this fourth federal housing agency, the third Crown corporation for federal housing, is being created with no clear timelines or targets as to how many units would be built. I actually asked the CMHC the other day if the government had discussed with it what the targets should be, based on the need that exists out there. It said there has been no discussion.
     I wonder if the minister could explain to the House how the government justifies a $13‑billion fourth federal creation for housing, having done no research to provide it data on the number of units it needs to have built for non-market housing.
    Madam Speaker, I thank the member opposite for his questions and his concerns. Build Canada Homes will be the federal government agency to deliver affordable housing. CMHC will focus on market housing. There will be two agencies right now, CMHC on the market side and Build Canada Homes on the non-market side, that will be focused on housing.
    The Canada Lands Company, which has been involved in housing development for the federal government, is effectively folding into Build Canada Homes with the portfolio of federal lands where affordable housing can be built. That is one component. It is basically that we are going to two agencies. One is affordable housing-focused, non-market, and the second, CMHC, continues to provide support for market housing, the apartment construction loan program, the MLI select program and the research that the member opposite is discussing, which is valuable across the board for the whole housing continuum.
    Madam Speaker, the minister just answered the question I was going to ask about how this structure actually clarifies the housing spectrum of non-market and market, and how the Canada Lands Company comes in, and so how this new structure will function in a way that is much, much better for proponents.
    Instead, I will ask the minister about the following. I know the proponents in my riding are going to provide housing for seniors with mental health issues. These are non-market housing units. They are going to get to functional zero in terms of youth homelessness.
    Minister, what has the response been in the community to Build Canada Homes? What kind of response are you seeing from proponents in the non-profit housing sector?
    I would remind the hon. member to go through the Chair when asking questions.
    Madam Speaker, we have seen enormous uptake among the non-profit or community housing builders. I think a majority of the proposals coming into Build Canada Homes are from the community building sector and non-profits partnering with the private sector, which will do a lot of the construction and building. Those homes will be effectively operated by the non-profit sector, because they are affordable homes.
    In particular, I want to speak to the great uptake we have seen with transitional and supportive housing. The most important solution right now for homelessness is making sure people have access to a home that has the wraparound supports. We have a couple of thousand homes now in the works in partnership across the country for that supportive housing.
(1140)

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, I have a question that has already been asked, but I do not think the answer was adequate: Why replace existing bodies, such as the CMHC, that could very well have fulfilled the same role?
    Essentially, we are not going to oppose the bill since an agreement has been reached with the Government of Quebec, but it would have been much easier to simply transfer the money to Quebec.

[English]

    Madam Speaker, the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation, CMHC, will continue to focus on the market side of the housing continuum, and that is from rental housing to the mortgage insurance products it has provided for generations. It can specialize in that, and Build Canada Homes can specialize in affordable housing. We think it is important to have this separation between the two. They are very different lines of business, with very different partnerships that get put together with the provinces, territories and cities on the affordable housing side.
    The example of Quebec's partnership illustrates the opportunity that provinces and territories see in partnering with Build Canada Homes to get the homes delivered, and get them delivered with affordability at the core.
    Madam Speaker, I do not think the minister entirely understood my question. When I asked him why there were no targets with this new $13-billion agency, the fourth agency, he explained to me what each of them does. Here is a news flash: I understand what each of them does. I just do not understand why we have created a fourth one.
    Then I asked very specifically why we would create a third federal Crown corporation and give it $13 billion and no targets other than to say that it is going to focus on non-market housing. The pre-eminent researcher on housing in the country is the first federal Crown corporation on housing, the CMHC. It does all the research.
    Why has the third Crown corporation not talked to the first Crown corporation? Why has the minister not talked to the first Crown corporation to give this thing some targets and put some parameters around it? This is $13 billion of Canadian taxpayers' dollars, and there are no targets. Why is this?
    Madam Speaker, the target is to build as much affordable housing as possible with the capital that is being provided here by the Government of Canada. There is an array of partnerships and collaborations now. There are different levels of affordability, as the member knows as a former mayor. There are projects that have deeply affordable supportive and transitional housing. Those require more investment from government, more support in terms of an equity investment to achieve that level of affordability. There is a mix of affordable rentals in many projects as well.
    As for setting random large targets to shoot for, we want to see the maximum amount of housing delivered. We want to see as much affordability as possible. That is the core goal for Build Canada Homes. We want to also leverage opportunity across affordable rental housing and co-op housing. We want to see a whole range of housing in the middle market, the so-called missing middle, delivered alongside that. It is a range of different types of projects, with different affordability, but we want to see all of that maximized for the benefit of Canadians.
    Madam Speaker, we have heard quite a bit, and rightfully so, about the problems with all the bureaucracies that the government is creating, but one thing it has not done in 11 years is negotiate a new softwood lumber agreement with the United States. In fact, the minister's own province of British Columbia has had close to 35 sawmills close in the last five years. We were reading lots of articles about sawmills closing in Quebec. The ability to produce the goods that are needed to build homes in this country is being severely limited, yet the government has done nothing about that.
    Is the minister going to advocate and push to try to get the sawmills open again so that Canada can produce the things that are needed, which, by doing so, would actually bring down the cost of building homes in this country?
    Madam Speaker, I appreciate the member's concern around softwood. We see enormous opportunity with Build Canada Homes to focus on building with Canadian wood. That would benefit our industries from B.C. to Quebec and New Brunswick, provinces that rely heavily on softwood and forestry. We have real opportunities to scale up the value-added industry and make sure we are protecting jobs with softwood here in Canada. Buy Canadian is a key element with Build Canada Homes. That has gone into the investment criteria. We are seeing proposals come in that would use Canadian wood to build. We want to see, in the manufacturing sector, mass timber and value-added products built with Canadian wood.
    That is our focus with Build Canada Homes, making sure we do everything we can to use Canadian materials, to strengthen Canadian homebuilding and manufacturing, right into the forest industry. I am working in collaboration with the Minister of Industry and the Minister of Energy and Natural Resources to make sure we are maximizing that opportunity and supporting that industry.
(1145)
    Madam Speaker, further to the question that was asked by my friend and colleague from Acadie—Bathurst, we were extremely pleased this year that the minister came to New Brunswick and that we were one of the first provinces to sign the housing agreement. We certainly recognize that New Brunswick is a very rural province, and the provincial government had a key role in making sure the plan was brought forward.
    I am wondering if the minister would be able to explain how imperative it was that the province played a key role in ensuring that New Brunswick was able to sign an agreement in a fairly short period of time.
    Madam Speaker, I thank the member for her leadership on behalf of New Brunswick.
    Like the members of Parliament from New Brunswick, we are very encouraging of Build Canada Homes and New Brunswick partnering to maximize the opportunity to build affordable housing across New Brunswick. The Government of New Brunswick has been a leader, as the member said, in being one of the first provinces to step forward. As I mentioned earlier, with the opportunity to build in communities of all shapes and sizes, the province has put together projects across New Brunswick. It is bringing that portfolio forward and will help manage the delivery of that housing, which is fantastic. It makes it much more streamlined for Build Canada Homes to be able to invest, knowing that the province is overseeing that portfolio, and many communities are being served at the same time.
    I give a big thanks to New Brunswick for leading the way on that and to the members for supporting that.
    Madam Speaker, the AFN estimates that there are 157,000 new homes needed to address the severe housing crisis on first nation reserves in addition to the 81,000 existing units needing major renovations. The minister announced some indigenous incentives in this, but the numbers add up to about 3,400 homes across 600‑plus first nations.
    Can the minister address more systematic fixes when it comes to first nations housing crises, rather than just band‑aids?
    Madam Speaker, certainly, indigenous housing is a really important component of what Build Canada Homes is delivering and will continue to deliver. The floor for investment in indigenous housing in Build Canada Homes is 10% of the capital there for affordable housing. There are many proposals coming in from indigenous home builders.
     We look forward to seeing Build Canada Homes supporting projects. There is a huge opportunity. We saw this in the Nunavut and Yukon territories, where the majority of the population is indigenous. That housing will obviously be delivered by the territorial governments, but it will benefit indigenous residents. We are going to see a lot of proposals and partnerships with first nations and Inuit and Métis people as well.

[Translation]

    It is my duty to interrupt the proceedings at this time and put forthwith the question on the motion before the House.

[English]

    The question is on the motion.
    If a member participating in person wishes that the motion be carried or carried on division, or if a member of a recognized party participating in person wishes to request a recorded division, I would invite them to rise and indicate it to the Chair.
     Madam Speaker, we request a recorded vote, please.
     Call in the members.
(1230)
     (The House divided on the motion, which was agreed to on the following division:)

(Division No. 142)

YEAS

Members

Acan
Al Soud
Ali
Alty
Anandasangaree
Auguste
Bains
Baker
Bardeesy
Battiste
Beech
Begum
Belanger (Desnethé—Missinippi—Churchill River)
Bendayan
Bittle
Blois
Brière
Carney
Carr
Casey
Chagger
Champagne
Chang
Chartrand
Chatel
Chen
Chenette
Chi
Clark
Connors
Cormier
Coteau
Dandurand
Danko
d'Entremont
Deschênes-Thériault
Desrochers
Dhaliwal
Dhillon
Diab
Duclos
Duguid
Dzerowicz
Earle
Ehsassi
El-Khoury
Erskine-Smith
Eyolfson
Fancy
Fanjoy
Fergus
Fisher
Fonseca
Fortier
Fragiskatos
Fraser
Fry
Fuhr
Gaheer
Gainey
Gasparro
Gerretsen
Gladu
Gould
Grant
Greaves
Guay
Gull-Masty
Hanley
Harrison
Hepfner
Hirtle
Hodgson
Housefather
Hussen
Iacono
Idlout
Jaczek
Jeneroux
Joly
Joseph
Kayabaga
Kelloway
Khalid
Klassen
Koutrakis
Lalonde
Lambropoulos
Lamoureux
Lapointe (Rivière-des-Mille-Îles)
Lapointe (Sudbury)
Lattanzio
Lauzon
Lavack
Lavoie
LeBlanc
Leitão
Lightbound
Long
Louis (Kitchener—Conestoga)
Ma
MacDonald (Malpeque)
MacDonald (Cardigan)
MacKinnon (Gatineau)
Malette (Bay of Quinte)
Maloney
Martin
McGuinty
McKelvie
McKinnon (Coquitlam—Port Coquitlam)
McKnight
McLean (Esquimalt—Saanich—Sooke)
Ménard
Mendès
Michel
Miedema
Miller
Mingarelli
Morrissey
Myles
Naqvi
Nathan
Nguyen
Noormohamed
Ntumba
Oliphant
Olszewski
O'Rourke
Osborne
Petitpas Taylor
Powlowski
Provost
Ramsay
Rana
Robertson
Rochefort
Romanado
Royer
Sahota
Saini
Sarai
Sari
Sawatzky
Schiefke
Sgro
Sheehan
Sidhu (Brampton East)
Sidhu (Brampton South)
Sodhi
Solomon
Sousa
St-Pierre
Sudds
Tesser Derksen
Thompson
Turnbull
Valdez
van Koeverden
Vandenbeld
Villeneuve
Watchorn
Weiler
Wilkinson
Yip
Zahid
Zuberi

Total: -- 166


NAYS

Members

Aboultaif
Aitchison
Albas
Allison
Anderson
Anstey
Arnold
Au
Baber
Bailey
Baldinelli
Barlow
Barrett
Barsalou-Duval
Beaulieu
Bélanger (Sudbury East—Manitoulin—Nickel Belt)
Berthold
Bexte
Bezan
Blanchet
Blanchette-Joncas
Block
Bonin
Bonk
Borrelli
Boulerice
Bragdon
Brassard
Brock
Brunelle-Duceppe
Caputo
Chambers
Champoux
Chong
Cobena
Cody
Cooper
Dalton
Davidson
Davies (Vancouver Kingsway)
Davies (Niagara South)
Dawson
DeBellefeuille
Deltell
DeRidder
Deschênes
Diotte
Doherty
Dowdall
Duncan
Falk (Battlefords—Lloydminster—Meadow Lake)
Falk (Provencher)
Fortin
Gallant
Garon
Gaudreau
Gazan
Généreux
Genuis
Gill (Calgary Skyview)
Gill (Brampton West)
Gill (Calgary McKnight)
Gill (Windsor West)
Gill (Côte-Nord—Kawawachikamach—Nitassinan)
Gill (Abbotsford—South Langley)
Godin
Goodridge
Gourde
Groleau
Gunn
Hallan
Hardy
Ho
Hoback
Holman
Jackson
Jansen
Johns
Kelly
Khanna
Kibble
Kirkland
Kmiec
Konanz
Kram
Kramp-Neuman
Kronis
Kuruc
Kusie
Kwan
Lake
Lantsman
Larouche
Lawrence
Lawton
Lefebvre
Lemire
Leslie
Lewis (Essex)
Lewis (Haldimand—Norfolk)
Lloyd
Lobb
Mahal
Majumdar
Malette (Kapuskasing—Timmins—Mushkegowuk)
Mantle
Martel
May
Mazier
McCauley
McKenzie
McLean (Calgary Centre)
McPherson
Melillo
Menegakis
Moore
Morin
Morrison
Motz
Muys
Nater
Normandin
Patzer
Paul-Hus
Perron
Poilievre
Redekopp
Reid
Rempel Garner
Richards
Roberts
Rood
Ross
Rowe
Ruff
Scheer
Schmale
Seeback
Shipley
Simard
Small
Steinley
Ste-Marie
Stevenson
Strahl
Strauss
Thomas
Tochor
Tolmie
Uppal
Van Popta
Vien
Viersen
Vis
Wagantall
Warkentin
Waugh
Williamson
Zimmer

Total: -- 159


PAIRED

Members

Anand
Church
Dabrusin
Dancho
Epp
Hajdu
Hogan
Plamondon
Reynolds
Stubbs
Thériault
Zerucelli

Total: -- 12


    I declare the motion carried.

Third Reading

    The House resumed from June 5 consideration of the motion that Bill C-20, An Act respecting the establishment of Build Canada Homes, be read the third time and passed.
    Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of Bill C-20, the Build Canada Homes act—
    I have to interrupt the hon. member.
     In fact, the hon. member for Nanaimo—Ladysmith has three and a half minutes remaining. She is now in the House, so I will ask the secretary of state to wait until the hon. member has finished her speech.
     Mr. Speaker, Bill C-20 aspires to help Canadians build more homes faster and promote innovative and efficient building techniques for the housing sector. The goal matters deeply in communities like Nanaimo—Ladysmith.
    As I said at the beginning of my original speech, I am splitting my time today.
     Across the mid-island, families are facing the same housing pressures we see across the country.
(1235)
    Mr. Speaker, on a point of order, I wonder if the time allocation was given correctly. How are we getting a minute and a half for the member?
     With everything going on, could the hon. member have the chance to actually deliver her speech, if she starts right now? We would appreciate that. There is too much noise here. We were not listening carefully.
     We will let the hon. member for Nanaimo—Ladysmith give her remarks. She will have three and a half minutes remaining in her comments.
    The hon. member.
    Mr. Speaker, among other things that I am continuing in my speech from the other day, Bill C-20 aspires to help Canadians build more homes faster and to promote innovative and efficient building techniques in the housing sector. That goal matters deeply in communities such as Nanaimo—Ladysmith.
     Across the mid-island, families are facing the same housing pressures we see across the country. Young people are wondering whether they will ever be able to afford a home, seniors are looking for options that allow them to downsize while staying close to family and workers are struggling to live near the jobs that keep our communities running. We agree that we cannot meet that challenge with old thinking alone. We need to build differently, build faster and make use of better and new methods and Canadian standards, as well as local business that are already doing the work.
    The mid-island did not wait for legislation. We know we cannot rely on the government to solve our problems for us. Local innovators have already risen to the occasion to make the mid-island an emerging hub for modular and innovative construction.
     I recently toured Cueva Homes, which is headquartered in Nanaimo. There, I saw exactly the kind of practical innovation this country needs. Cueva Homes is focused on modular homes, backyard suites, ADUs and smaller housing options that can help communities add supply without changing the character of every neighbourhood. The folks at Cueva Homes are ready to go. These are real homes designed for real lots, and they are built with the kind of efficiency that could help address the housing shortage. They are especially well suited for communities like ours, where many families need options for aging parents, adult children, renters and first-time buyers. Cueva Homes' work also shows why standards matter. When homes are CSA-compliant, even if they are fabricated abroad with a significant proportion of local materials exported from the island for that purpose, communities can have confidence that innovation is not coming at the expense of safety, quality or code compliance. That should be central to the purpose of Bill C-20.
    I also want to recognize Wescon Doors, another Vancouver Island business contributing to this same housing ecosystem. Wescon manufactures doors built for our climate and to meet applicable Canadian standards. Businesses like Wescon Doors remind us that housing innovation is not only about the finished home, but also about the local supply chain, components, skilled workers and manufacturers that make faster, better building possible.
    If Bill C-20 is truly about supporting innovative and efficient building techniques, then the government must recognize communities such as ours. We already have businesses working in modular housing, prefabricated systems with high-quality components and climate-appropriate construction. The opportunity now is to connect federal policy with local capacity. Nanaimo—Ladysmith is ready to be part of that solution
    Mr. Speaker, I was encouraged to hear the member opposite say something to the effect of Bill C-20 inspiring Canadians and helping them build more homes faster. I agree that there is that inspiration within Bill C-20.
    Could the member expand on that particular point? Through Bill C-20, we want to be able to encourage and see that support realized.
    Mr. Speaker, for his benefit, I would like to share with the member opposite what I am hearing on the ground.
    We are also concerned about the fact that there are multiple bureaucracies already in place. We are very concerned about Build Canada Homes and making sure that it does not become another Ottawa-driven program that overlooks the builders and manufacturers already solving problems on the ground in communities such as mine.
     We would like a commitment from the government that it will help and support practical, CSA-compliant, scalable solutions such as those found in our communities.
(1240)
    Mr. Speaker, the Parliamentary Budget Officer put out a report commenting that the government was stripping away services to the vulnerable via housing benefits and social housing in order to fund another bureaucracy.
    I wonder what the member thinks about the government taking money away from the most vulnerable to fund another bureaucracy that is going to produce, as the PBO says, only “a modest amount” of new housing.
    Mr. Speaker, that is a very timely question, because just last night in my community, our local city council was holding a special meeting about the need for sober housing specifically. All kinds of housing in our communities came up.
     The provinces, especially provinces like mine, are really struggling in the context of this economy. Of course, this means that municipalities are struggling as well. If the government is going to allocate funds toward housing, it really needs to work harder to address those issues in communities like Nanaimo—Ladysmith and beyond.
    Mr. Speaker, the member from Nanaimo knows a lot of the issues that are particular to the island. Market housing works really well in places like Nanaimo, and can probably be the solution that she is expressing would be valid there, but urban markets with the missing middle are a challenging place. Regardless of the red tape and other things, it is very hard for builders and developers to develop there.
     How does the member consider developers should be incentivized to build in those areas without a Build Canada Homes-like approach?
     Mr. Speaker, if the member believes market housing is working well in Nanaimo, he really does not understand British Columbia. We are the missing middle. We have the missing market housing and the missing supportive housing. We are in the throes of an addictions crisis. Last night, we heard testimony about how hard it is for someone to resist the lures of addiction when they are down, homeless and sleeping on the street.
     That question was an insult to my communities.
    Mr. Speaker, I am somewhat disappointed by the response to that question, in the sense that, if we look at it, we have seen a great deal of emphasis on collaboration. We want to work collaboratively with municipalities, provinces, indigenous people and so forth.
     Does the member not agree that working collaboratively is the best way to deal with the issue that is before us?
    Mr. Speaker, the member from the other side goes back to the question before and suggests that I was being insulting, when someone was trying to tell me that my community does not need mid-market housing and below, and that we are just fine with market housing. I am sorry, but that is another member who does not understand what is going on in British Columbia or in my riding.
     Mr. Speaker, this is a great opportunity for me to rise in support of Bill C-20, the Build Canada Homes act.
    The challenge before us is significant. Too many Canadians are struggling to find a home they can afford, and too many communities are facing housing shortages that continue to drive up costs. That is why our government launched Build Canada Homes in September 2025 with a clear mandate to build affordable homes, support builders with financing and encourage innovative construction methods using Canadian technology, workers and lumber. In just a few short months, Build Canada Homes has already begun advancing projects and establishing partnerships across the country.
    Bill C-20 would build on that early progress by establishing Build Canada Homes as a Crown corporation, providing it with the operational autonomy and dedicated governance needed to scale up efforts to address Canada's housing crisis. By transitioning Build Canada Homes from a special operating agency to a Crown corporation, the legislation would strengthen its ability to deliver on its mandate at scale while maintaining accountability to Parliament and to Canadians.
    All Canadians deserve an affordable place to call home. Housing is a fundamental need, and the growing demand for housing across the country requires urgent action, which means that this is about more than creating a new institution. It is about giving Build Canada Homes the tools it needs to build more homes more quickly.
    As we consider the legislation before us today, it is worth revisiting exactly what Build Canada Homes was designed to achieve. Build Canada Homes was created to build and finance affordable housing at scale while helping to catalyze a more productive and innovative homebuilding industry. It makes it simpler and faster to get large-scale affordable housing projects off the ground, attracting public, private and philanthropic investment. thus maximizing impact.
    Build Canada Homes does more than fund individual projects. It is a new way of doing business. Its goal is to unlock opportunities across the country by partnering with governments, builders, non-profits and investors to identify and scale high-impact housing solutions. It is also helping modernize Canada's homebuilding sector by supporting innovative approaches, including modern methods of construction. Build Canada Homes is helping create the conditions needed to build more homes more quickly and more efficiently.
    This is particularly important at a time in Canada when Canada needs to significantly increase its housing supply. Build Canada Homes is helping build the capacity needed to meet that challenge. As a Crown corporation, Build Canada Homes would combine access to federal lands, development expertise and flexible financial tools under one roof.
    It would work alongside non-profits, indigenous organizations and all orders of government to help move projects from concept to construction and to accelerate the delivery of affordable housing. It would also work in close partnership with developers, investors, manufacturers and housing providers focused on long-term affordability. This includes non-profits, co-operatives, community housing providers or organizations that promote a variety of housing options for Canadians.
    These strategic partnerships would create homes that are affordable to a range of households across the income spectrum. These partnerships are about building capacity, supporting innovation and creating the conditions for more homes to be built across Canada, which is what makes the legislation before us today so important.
    By establishing Build Canada Homes as a Crown corporation, Bill C-20 would provide the agency with the operational autonomy and governance structure needed to pursue its mission more effectively. It would also provide Build Canada Homes with the flexibility needed to hold assets, make investments and make long-term decisions that support the delivery of affordable housing. Together, these tools would strengthen its ability to deliver on its mandate and build more homes for Canadians. These are exactly the kinds of tools needed to increase housing supply and accelerate construction across the country.
    Partnerships with provinces and territories are central to the success of Build Canada Homes. Whether through land financing, housing expertise or construction-ready projects, provinces and territories play a critical role in increasing housing supply and helping more homes get built.
(1245)
    Allow me to use my home province of British Columbia as an example. Build Canada Homes and BC Housing have partnered to deliver at least 1,100 homes, including supportive, transitional and affordable rental housing. This partnership will make use of standardized designs, Canadian-made prefabricated components and modern methods of construction to reduce costs, improve quality, shorten construction timelines and help increase housing construction at scale. These approaches demonstrate how innovation can play a critical role in addressing Canada's housing shortage.
    This is only the first phase of a broader commitment between Canada and British Columbia. By aligning federal investment with construction-ready projects, Build Canada Homes is helping move projects from plans to shovels in the ground, while laying the foundation for thousands more homes in future phases. This is exactly the type of collaboration Build Canada Homes was created to support. It demonstrates how governments can work together to increase housing supply while helping to modernize the homebuilding sector.
    Importantly, it also demonstrates the potential of Build Canada Homes as a national institution. In just a few short months, it has advanced projects and partnerships representing thousands of homes across the country. Bill C‑20 is about turning that early momentum into sustained long-term results. By establishing Build Canada Homes as a Crown corporation, we would be strengthening its ability to support more projects, deepen partnerships and help deliver more homes for Canadians.
    However, that is not all. In addition to helping build more houses, Build Canada Homes is also helping build a stronger Canadian economy. By prioritizing projects and partnerships that invest in sustainable Canadian materials, strengthen Canadian supply chains and create good jobs through the homebuilding process, Build Canada Homes is helping advance the federal government's buy Canadian strategy. This means Canadian lumber, Canadian building materials, Canadian manufacturing and Canadian construction expertise.
    Across the board, Build Canada Homes is helping ensure that public investments create economic benefits here at home. In a changing global economy, strengthening domestic capacity matters. Build Canada Homes is helping increase housing supply while supporting Canadian workers, Canadian businesses and Canadian innovation. The partnerships and projects already under way demonstrate what Build Canada Homes can achieve. Bill C‑20 is about scaling up what is already working. It is about building the partnerships, capacity and innovative construction approaches needed to deliver more homes for Canadians in the years ahead.
    By establishing Build Canada Homes as a Crown corporation, the legislation would provide the governance, flexibility and financial capacity needed to build on that progress and to deliver on its mandate at a greater scale. It would allow Build Canada Homes to hold assets, make investments, deploy innovative financial tools and pursue long-term opportunities more effectively, while maintaining a clear accountability framework to Parliament and Canadians.
    At a time when Canadians need more homes built more quickly and more affordably, Bill C‑20 would help ensure that Build Canada Homes has the tools it needs to deliver. I urge all members opposite to support it.
(1250)
    Mr. Speaker, could the member who just delivered his speech explain to me and to the House why we need a third federal Crown corporation to do what he described it would do? Why can CMHC or Canada Lands Company not do these things?
     Mr. Speaker, I think this is a Crown corporation that would take a lot of federal lands, provincial lands and municipal lands and build quickly and efficiently. It would actually hold, in a lot of cases, those assets in the Crown corporation, and the revenue from that would hopefully help build more homes going forward. It would also help expedite a lot of the process.
    I think it is much needed. Canada has tried many other things, and I think this is a time when more homes are needed more quickly. We need an agency like this that has the agility, the financial firepower and the power behind it to build these homes much more quickly.

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, municipalities and community organizations are asking us for more tools to help them build affordable housing. Can my colleague explain how to create this new Crown corporation to meet those needs?

[English]

    Mr. Speaker, that is a great question, and I apologize for not being able to answer in French.
    I think it gives, first, the financial tools. There is $13 billion seeded in it, so it has a lot of financial capability. It has the necessary vehicles, whether that is using CMHC or its own funding, the new building code with pre-approved designs, and encouraging modular design and working with modular providers. These are the types of tools that give it the assets and capabilities to move much more quickly and much more efficiently, and also to innovate in the industry in a time when sometimes the private sector is a little hesitant to do that. That is the ability it has, and as a Crown corporation, it would have more power than a special body.

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, Quebec's Front d'action populaire en réaménagement urbain, or FRAPRU, has raised several concerns about the Build Canada Homes project, especially with regard to the high cost of so-called affordable housing that costs much more than the median housing price.
    For example, the folks at FRAPRU note that many of the projects funded in Quebec include affordable and intermediate housing units that cost much more than the median market rent. The folks at FRAPRU fear that the most vulnerable people will be left behind if most of the funding is invested in building this type of housing. What they want is more investment in social housing.
    What does my colleague have to say about that?
(1255)

[English]

    Mr. Speaker, that is a great question. The affordability measurement is, I think, 30% of pre-tax income of a household, as a means of affordability. That is the test case, so it varies, obviously.
    In areas where perhaps housing costs are lower, there might be less of a need for Build Canada Homes, but I think that in most cases, Canadians are feeling the pinch in having to pay a lot more than 30% of their monthly income toward housing. The goal is to build the type of housing for which people do not have to pay more than 30% of their household income.
    Mr. Speaker, I have a quote from Mike Moffatt, who is acknowledged as one of the leading experts on the housing crisis. He comments on the program, saying, “Canada has a substantial shortage of three-bedroom and larger homes, and the need for our cities to densify, [but this program's] prioritization of small, low-rise homes is a peculiar choice.”
    Why is the government making a peculiar choice to help build the wrong type of houses, not what Canadians are looking for?
    Mr. Speaker, I would disagree with that. When Build Canada Homes makes its judgments, including for the 1,100 homes that are being built in British Columbia, it uses a varied metric of all types of housing, such as three-bedroom units in these buildings, two-bedroom, one-bedroom and accessible units. It is designed and built for a mosaic of the families that need them. If that needs to be adjusted, I would welcome the Conservatives' comments at committee to make sure that Build Canada Homes does that.
     Mr. Speaker, it is interesting. As we are here to discuss third reading of Bill C-20, the Build Canada Homes act, I have been sort of reflecting a bit. Of course, I have spoken on this issue a few times. I have spoken on housing many times in the House of Commons, in committee and certainly around the country. I guess it is no secret that I spent most of my adult life in local government, in municipal politics. I have sat in municipal council chambers and planning committee meetings, and I have also worked with a lot of local builders and understand the process they have to go through to get things approved.
    During my time as a mayor, I devoted an awful lot of time trying to speed up processes, and when things got stalled about 10 years ago, I was part of the charge at our district council to cut development charges by 50%. We were thinking ahead back then. Now, of course, here we are still talking about the development charges in this country. I guess if there is one thing I would regret from my time there, it is that I did not change the systems well enough. I worked within them to keep things moving, but after I left, things slowed down again a bit, I think. It would have been good if I had done things to change the process.
    If we fast-forward, we are now here in this place. I thought that, in a time of crisis, this place might work in such a way that we would see what the problems that created the crisis were and that we would work together to find a way to clear the bottlenecks that make it harder and more expensive to build homes.
    However, if we look at Bill C-20 today, I have to say I find my patience is a little worn. We are in the middle of a housing crisis that is actively compounding. It is getting worse every single month for young families and young professionals. Interestingly enough, I think it is also getting worse for seniors. We probably do not talk enough about seniors and how the housing crisis affects them. If people cannot afford to buy, that means they cannot afford to get into the market, which means the market is not healthy. This means, for the people who were planning to use the equity built up in their home to help fund their retirement, if they cannot afford to sell, they are kind of trapped there. We need movement in this system. This is something that affects all generations, not just young people, but that is mostly who we talk about.
    After all the debates and the discussion in this place, it is really frustrating that the government's response to this crisis of bureaucracy, pace, process and fees is the creation of a brand new, multi-billion-dollar federal bureaucracy called the Build Canada Homes corporation. For the record, I just want to make sure all Canadians know that I am not talking about a new agency. I am talking about the fourth federal housing agency. We are all familiar with the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation and the work it does. It was created right after the Second World War, and it did miraculous things by getting things out of the way and just getting things built. We solved that housing crisis then in about 10 years. We also have, of course, the Canada Lands Company, which was created and actually does development. It uses federal lands to develop. I hear the members opposite talking about how this Build Canada Homes agency is going to build on federal lands, even though there already is one doing that.
    We are at a point of real crisis in our country on the housing file. I think people maybe thought that, when they elected this new Prime Minister, there was going to be some kind of shift from the past. They were promised this technocratic competence, a sort of practical delivery. We were told that we were going to get this economic mastermind. He has been the governor of a couple of banks, such as the Bank of Canada and the Bank of England. We thought we were going to get this leader who would move past the superficial politics of the past and bring this cold, hard managerial excellence to federal operations.
    Instead, though, it has actually been a bit of a disappointment, a bit of an illusion, I would say. What we see now is the style over substance that we had with the previous government. I can give examples. The first one would be that, like clockwork, on Monday mornings, the Prime Minister puts on a nice, new, clean hard hat, puts on a fancy, brand new, high-visibility vest, and he goes out into the suburbs of Ottawa and stands in front of a housing construction project for a nice photo op.
(1300)
    I have to say that the Prime Minister looks like he is straight out of central casting. He looks really good in that get-up. It looks really exciting, because the image says that the Liberals are getting things done, that they are building. The staging is really immaculate. If members have not seen it, I encourage them to take a look. It is really good stuff. He holds these press conferences, but the interesting thing about press conferences, photo ops, talking points and bureaucracy is that they do not get homes built. They do not pour concrete. As it turns out, posing with a golden shovel does not get a roof over a family's head.
    The hard truth is that, while the Prime Minister is out there modelling safety gear for his communications team, actual housing starts in this country, which we are studying at the human resources committee, are declining. They are declining at a time when the first federal housing Crown corporation, the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation, which does more research than anybody else on housing in this country, has reported that Canada needs to build between 430,000 and 480,000 homes per year just to reach affordability for all homes. We cannot even build 250,000 homes a year, and starts are declining. It is getting worse. This is what I find so incredibly frustrating. I think Canadians find it incredibly frustrating as well.
    At committee we looked at the actual structural design of this bill and this agency. We asked housing experts to come and tell us what they thought, and they exposed the reality. Do not get me wrong. We brought in some of the sharpest minds on this. There were builders and experts. Dr. Mike Moffatt was mentioned, who is a well-known expert on this file. Of course, everyone is very polite at committee, because that is what we do. We are polite. However, when we strip away all the polite language and the niceties at committee, their collective verdict was actually kind of devastating. Maybe the Liberal members did not hear this, but I heard over and again that if it were up to them, they would never have created this fourth federal housing agency.
     As it turns out, Canada does not suffer from a shortage of housing agencies. We already have the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation. We have the Canada Lands Company, which develops on federal land. At the very time that Canada needs less government bureaucracy, costs, processes and painful work to get permission to build a house in this country, the government has responded with more bureaucracy. We saw the limits of this approach even with the launch of this thing. Everyone remembers, I am sure, when the Liberals proudly announcing the first six projects that were going to be done under the Build Canada Homes banner on federal lands. It was very exciting. It was evidence that they were hitting the ground running. Even before they turned it into a Crown corporation, it was an agency of the government. There were six new projects. It was so exciting. There was great fanfare. As it turns out, there were really good photo ops and staging. I will tell members that they really looked good. However, the truth is that those six projects they announced were already well under way by the second federal Crown corporation called the Canada Lands Company. It already had the land. It had already done a lot of the planning. Some of the units had already been built on some of these sites. They were presented as this proof that Build Canada Homes was going to develop faster on federal lands. Build Canada Homes did none of those things. What it did was adopt projects that were already years in the making and already well under way.
    If the Liberals slap a new corporate logo on the side of a train that has left a station and is moving down the track and then claim they built the engine, that is ridiculous. It is rebranding. They have rebranded the Canada Lands Company projects and called them Build Canada Homes projects. We are supposed to celebrate that because apparently it is building more homes, when really all they have done is slapped a new logo on it.
    If the Prime Minister really wanted to accelerate federal land development, he could expand the existing mandate of the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation, which is an agency that has broad legislative authority. In 2017, it was handed the bulk of the government's national housing strategy to deliver programs. It was not really used to delivering direct programs anymore, but it scaled up and got things going, and for years delivered on these various different programs.
(1305)
    However, instead of expanding the mandate or giving new directions to the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation or the Canada Lands Company, which is already actively doing development, the Prime Minister has created a whole new parallel executive suite with new corporate rules.
    It has been a year. The Liberal government has built no homes, yet here we are celebrating. Not only have we created a new agency, but now we are going to jam through a piece of legislation that turns that new agency into a federal Crown corporation, as I pointed out, the third federal Crown corporation. I still do not know why we are celebrating that. The truth is the failure goes even deeper than just the administrative burden of this new thing. Experts like Mike Moffatt told the HUMA committee that they would not have done this either. At the same time, one of the problems with what the government has created is that there is a staggering lack of any concrete targets, clear definitions or binding timelines.
    Everybody should think about this for a second. This is a brand new fourth federal housing agency, the third new federal Crown corporation for housing. It has been given $13 billion and there are zero targets for how many units it is supposed to get done. The government says it is going to focus on non-market housing. I asked CMHC about this just the other day. It is the leading researcher on housing. CMHC told us how many units we need to get built in this country. It pointed out that 95% of housing in this country is market housing and 5% is non-market housing.
     I asked CMHC about this. It is interesting. It does not seem to have any targets. I asked whether the government had had a conversation with CMHC or its research department about maybe what their targets should be. The president and CEO of CMHC said they had not had those discussions. I asked if CMHC had done any research to send the government some targets. I realize it has taken employees from CMHC, so now maybe CMHC does different things, but it still does research. Maybe it could advise on how many non-market housing units the country actually needs. It has not done that.
     Of course, I asked the minister here, just moments ago, whether he had talked to CMHC and its research department about whether it had done any analysis of just how many units needed to be built.
    Interestingly enough, the CEO of Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation made a comment about how he did not know what their target would be, but that they had a certain amount of money. I said, “Wait a second, this is just based on how much money they have. Shouldn't this be based on the need for non-market housing?” Colleagues may be surprised, but I did not really get an answer to that question because, of course, it is Build Canada Homes. It is the Prime Minister's baby. Everyone is very excited about it and we do not ask too many questions, even though we have a situation today where a housing crisis has been getting worse. The government's response is to create a fourth federal housing agency and give it $13 billion.
    The minister stood here and said the goal is to get as many homes built as possible. Well, I do not find that very promising for Canadians, who are desperately hoping that one day maybe they might own a house. I look at all these pages down here. They are nice, bright, young people who may want to own a house one day. I worry about that.
    All we get from the government is more platitudes and more billions of dollars, with no targets. How do we measure success if the government has no goals and sets no targets? It is classic. There is that vast research department there that has advised every agency, the industry, the banks and the government on housing data. The government does not want to talk to CMHC. It is not interested in that. It is not interested in setting targets.
    In fact, the minister referred to a target for the Build Canada Homes corporation. He said it was just a random number. He did not like that. We got nothing. Obviously, he does not respect the work of CMHC and the research it does. I was talking about using those experts, who have done more analysis on the housing market in Canada than anybody, to help them come up with a number. Right now, we have this new agency. We are rushing through this bill because it needs to be a Crown corporation, because somehow that is going to make it better.
     I have talked to private and non-profit builders across Canada who already have applications in to this Build Canada Homes apparatus. Interestingly enough, with CMHC, when they had this program, there was an apparatus where builders could follow their application online and see how they were doing. They could reach out to get information about the status of their application. Curiously, there is no such thing with Build Canada Homes, so builders are sitting there waiting and wondering what the status of their file is.
(1310)
     They do not know, really, what criteria will be used to adjudicate their file. They do not really know when a decision will be made. There is no way to track the progress. I have to say, as a former mayor who has dealt with this on the front lines, that this uncertainty, this lack of transparency, is a killer. It is a killer of housing development. That investment requires some level of certainty. When a builder does not know where their application stands in the process, capital sits idle. Land loans accumulate interest, because one has to borrow money for the land. Subcontractors cannot be booked.
    By building an agency with no timelines, no targets and no tracking framework, the government has not just created yet another bureaucracy at a time when we need to reduce bureaucracy; it has actually fixed in place this paralysis by process. It has institutionalized the bureaucracy, and we just do not know when this process is going to be done.
    Homes are built by builders, not by boards and certainly not by prime ministers and photo ops. The housing experts who came to our HUMA committee made it very clear that they would not have built this agency. The tools were there. They existed, and yet here we are. We have wasted an entire year, as the crisis gets worse, adding a fourth federal layer of bureaucracy and administration. It does not solve a crisis that is rooted in regulatory delays.
    If we do not fix time, we do not fix costs. Bill C‑20 does not fix time. It simply creates an unaccountable gatekeeper and makes builders wait in the dark. I call it the illusion of competence. We do not need a government that acts like a public relations firm. We need a government that focuses on the quiet, very unglamorous work of clearing the path, eliminating regulatory friction and restoring basic administrative competence. We need to get out of the way of builders and stop subsidizing the bureaucracy.
    If we stopped subsidizing and creating new agencies and new bureaucracies with billions of dollars, maybe then we would have the resources left over to invest in those important social and supportive housing needs that exist in our country. Maybe if we spent some time talking to the researchers, to get real data on what is needed in this country in terms of the number of social, supportive and non-market housing units, we could create some targets. We could have given the CMHC the tools it needed to make sure that this was happening.
    Instead, we spent one year creating another bureaucracy, and here we are. The crisis is worse than ever, and the minister has the gall to stand in the House and say that the goal is to get as many built as possible. Liberals say not to worry and to just trust them, because it has only been 11 years and they have created strategies. They have another strategy they want to create for housing for young people specifically.
    Canadians cannot live on strategies and proclamations and photo ops alone. They need homes. They need governments to stop getting in the way and to reduce the bureaucracy, the cost, the fees and the taxes.
    This was an opportunity for the government. I thought that maybe this was a Prime Minister who understood the file and understood the issue, that we need to use federal dollars and leverage federal infrastructure investment to get results at the local level, working with provinces and working with cities to get the job done, and to get out of the way. There is absolutely none of that. All we have now is a fourth federal housing bureaucracy with $13 billion, and anyone's guess is as good as mine as to how many units are going to get built. It is a huge disappointment. It is the illusion of action, and Canadians cannot afford it anymore.
(1315)
    Mr. Speaker, my colleague said that he was a mayor before being an MP. There was a program that was very helpful for municipalities. It was the housing accelerator fund, just like the Build Canada Homes program. This is what their leader was telling them. This article says, “Conservative MPs frustrated after [their leader] bars them from promoting housing fund”. The Conservative leader “instructed Conservative MPs to stop advocating on behalf of municipalities in their ridings who want to obtain funds [for housing].”
    The member said that he was a mayor. Was he one of the members who were told not to send a letter of support for a housing project in his municipality?
     Mr. Speaker, the fundamental difference between that member and me is that I recognize the importance of getting things done. Conservatives have proposed all along that we use federal dollars as leverage to make sure that municipalities are getting the job done. I will acknowledge that, in reality, the housing accelerator fund has been useful in some small and rural communities that are already doing really good things. However, in larger centres, where the epicentre of the crisis is, like the GTA and Toronto or the Lower Mainland and Vancouver, in those areas, they have used that money and they have given billions of dollars to cities on promises that they will be better. It has been a failure. It has been another classic Liberal situation where they give a whole bunch of money to cities, have a photo op and pretend that homes get built. It did not work.

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, I want to congratulate my colleague on his speech. Today's debate on Build Canada Homes has led me to reflect on why the government created this agency. The fact is that it did so because of the current housing crisis. What caused the housing crisis? It was the surge in immigration and the government's inability to control the situation. What we have is a pyromaniac federal government that decided to masquerade as a firefighter through new programs.
    What goes through my colleague's head when he sees that? Instead of admitting that it royally failed and then fixing things, the government chooses to constantly create new programs even though no one knows whether they will work or not.

[English]

    Mr. Speaker, I completely agree with my colleague that this is a crisis, in many ways created by the current government. It has been building for years, I grant the Liberals that, but their solutions are, in fact, what the member said: They are building new bureaucracies, creating new agencies, and they give money out based on promises from cities that they will be better. As a case in point, the City of Toronto got the most money of anyone in the housing accelerator fund, $471 million. The Liberals gave it the money and made the deal, and then the City of Toronto, immediately after the ink was dry on that deal, raised its development charges by 40%.
    Do the Liberals not understand that rising costs make it less affordable and harder to buy a home? They did not get it, and they still do not get it. They are creating more bureaucracy. They are handing money with photo ops, and it is not getting the job done. They are completely ignoring that they are now a big part of the problem.
(1320)
    Mr. Speaker, the Liberals campaigned on reducing municipal fees. In fact, I quote from their campaign: They said they would be “cutting municipal development charges in half”.
     CMHC just recently came out with a report warning of a very significant barrier to building housing, caused by high municipal development fees. The government has not, in fact, even approached reducing or started to reduce municipal fees. I wonder if my colleague could comment on this Liberal broken promise and how it is not helping Canadians in getting the houses they need.
    Mr. Speaker, my colleague always has incredibly insightful questions. That is a very good point.
     In fact, what has happened with respect to development charges is that the federal government and the provincial government, in Ontario only, have come up with a program to reduce development charges, but not to reduce them unless the local municipality applies to the program. A local municipality can say, “Yes, we are good; we like our development charges at $100,000 a lot”, and that means nothing happens. Those development charges stay high and no results happen. It is all based on whether the municipality agrees to reduce its development charges.
     Conversely, the Conservative plan would be to leverage municipalities to reduce their fees, and to assist them, absolutely, with the costs of housing-enabling infrastructure, but it would be based on results, not on hopes of things getting better.

[Translation]

     Mr. Speaker, I really enjoyed working with my colleague on Bill C‑20 at the Standing Committee on Human Resources, Skills and Social Development and the Status of Persons with Disabilities. He asked good questions. We really felt that he truly wanted to understand.
    After listening to him today, however, I have to wonder whether we were on the same committee or heard from the same witnesses.

[English]

    I find the premise of the member's speech a bit disingenuous. We heard the committee witnesses, including promoters and developers, talk about how BCH would help, because increasing the number of affordable homes would ease the pressure on the market. We heard, including from the head of CMHC, about how BCH and CMHC are collaborating and how their work is complementary. Most important, the CMHC CEO said that while CMHC does have the legislative mandate to do some of the work that BCH will be doing, it is not set up for it. It would take it quite some time to ramp up to get to that point. I am just wondering if my colleague can really stand here today and say that none of these things were heard at committee.
    Mr. Speaker, I want to say that I am a big fan of that member. We have done some great work together. However, I think she has been afflicted with a very common Liberal problem where she heard what she wanted to hear.
     There is no question that builders and developers said they would use Build Canada Homes and work with it, that they have to work with the cards they are dealt by this federal government and they are going to work with them. They also said they would not have created this agency if it were up to them. They did say those words. The fact is that all the member heard was that they love Build Canada Homes, they want to work with it and they want to do these things.
    I also heard the president and CEO of the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation say that it was not set up to do the work that Build Canada Homes is now going to do. The interesting thing about this is that, in 2017, when the then federal Liberal government created the national housing strategy, the CMHC was not set up to deliver that either, but it scaled up and did it. This is what is so perplexing about this Liberal plan. They gave the housing project to CMHC in 2017, which scaled up, but now all of a sudden it is incapable of scaling up to deliver this stuff. I do not know why we have a fourth federal housing bureaucracy.
     Mr. Speaker, the member mentioned taxes and costs from the government. The member has already spoken about that. The government has other tools. Instead of setting up a bureaucracy to spend and waste money, the government could be doing other things. One of the things that I would like the member's comments on is building codes. It has been estimated that the latest round of building codes created by the government agencies will potentially add $115,000 to the cost of an average house in Canada.
    I wonder if maybe changing the building codes or keeping in mind the cost of things that are happening in the building codes might be an even easier, simpler way to reduce the cost of housing in our country.
(1325)
    Mr. Speaker, that is another incredibly insightful question from my colleague. He happens to be a builder, and he knows what he is talking about. He has actually built homes, and he understands these changes and what they have done.
     The real problem with the building codes process federally is, of course, the process itself. There is a whole process that they go through where they make recommendations to make changes to the code. Then provinces may or may not adopt that. The interesting thing about these code review bodies is that they are populated, mostly, not by electricians or plumbers or carpenters, but by lobbyists and salespeople for the people who manufacture these products. In fact, they do not ever consider what the cost implications are of the changes they are making.
     The Canadian Home Builders' Association reports that over the last 10 years, changes made to the building codes have added over $100,000 to the cost of a home. Not all of those things are common-sense, energy efficiency-type things. They have just added more cost, and there has been no consideration by the national building codes or the National Research Council of what that means for the cost of a new home.
    Mr. Speaker, giving a farewell speech in Parliament feels a little like delivering a eulogy at one's own funeral, so if I leave members with anything, let it be my personal gratitude for the opportunity to serve and to make a difference, and the unending importance of doing politics differently.
     Politics is like pushing a boulder up a hill. All of us feel that at times, I think. It is rewarding and frustrating. It is meaningful progress in one moment and unfinished work at the same time. There are three things that I think matter as we are pushing that boulder uphill. Sometimes it rolls back down on us, obviously, and sometimes we get it to the top or think we have gotten it to the top. We need ambition, and I do not mean ambition in personal title; I mean ambition in ideas. We also need a team. No one accomplishes anything alone, and I would not have accomplished anything over the years without my team.
    There is a quote I am reminded of. It says that the reasonable man adapts himself to the world, and the unreasonable man adapts the world to himself, and “Therefore all progress depends on the unreasonable man.” I think that in politics, one needs almost unreasonable persistence at times. It does sometimes pay off. I have been lucky to be a part of efforts to deliver progress at times.
    There has been stronger climate action and accountability, for my kids and hopefully for our economy, and action to reduce poverty. There have been, with the Canada child benefit, hundreds of kids lifted out of poverty. The guaranteed income supplement is incredibly important for seniors. The Canada workers benefit, formerly the working income tax benefit, has increased in a significant way, and tens of thousands of workers have been lifted out of poverty. I am lucky to have been part of that advocacy. There is also a new disability benefit that needs to be improved and strengthened, of course.
     When I look back over 10 years, this is part of the work we have been able to do together. If we have the courage to reform old age security, we could actually end seniors' poverty without spending a single dollar. I hope future Parliaments get that done.
    There has been action to defend competition and protect consumers. Of the many things I have been proud of, one is that CEOs of oligopolies do not like to come to committee when I am there, whether they are CEOs from Rogers, Bell, Stellantis, Facebook, Apple, Google or grocery oligopolies.
    There is a story here, because it is incredibly important to work together, where we can, across party lines at committee. I am turning 42 years old next week, but on my birthday a number of years ago, I was so incredibly furious because grocery store CEOs had all been communicating with one another to cut pandemic hero pay at the same time for low-income workers. I tapped out a motion on my phone. We brought the industry committee together, brought the grocery store CEOs to that committee and worked across party lines to deliver recommendations that the government acted on to make sure we criminalized wage-fixing so that what took place cannot take place again.
    We have built more housing. I have been part of those efforts and part of advocating. We have gotten to a place where, across party lines, we all understand the need to end restrictive zoning and to get out of the way so the private market can deliver. I think more work still needs to be done to deliver non-market housing and to really and truly treat housing as a home first.
     There has been action to protect animals: to end the captivity of whales and dolphins; to ban shark finning and testing on animals, especially cosmetic testing; and to strengthen the Criminal Code against animal abuse. If someone had told me before I was elected that I would be at a press conference beside Jane Goodall and Murray Sinclair, advocating for treating animals humanely, I would not have believed them.
    We are treating addiction as a health issue and Canadians as responsible adults. For example, we have legalized cannabis. No, the sky did not fall, and now I am no longer a criminal. Overwhelmingly, we still need to follow through on following the evidence to save lives and truly treat substance use as the health issue that it is, the same way we treat eating disorders, gambling addictions or alcohol addictions.
    I have been there for my community. All of us who have served through and since the pandemic have had the frustration and the exhaustion, but also the good fortune, to be there for our communities, delivering for thousands of people and making sure that they are able to access benefits and supports in the most critical time and moments of their life.
     I have also been there for my community in probably its most difficult time over 10 years: I was there with the Danforth families, including the Fallon family in the wake of the Danforth shooting. Then I was part of efforts supporting those same families and advocating for sensible gun control.
     I can point to my standing up for constituents. I consider myself a pretty good advocate, but an expert in nothing. Constituents who are experts in something or have lived experience have come to me with ideas. I can point to a range of examples, but I would hold up childhood cancer survivor Helena Kirk. I worked hand in hand with her and other advocates, and we were able to deliver tens of millions of dollars for pediatric cancer research and support.
(1330)
    We have been defending human rights and civil liberties, and dying with dignity, of course. Being elected, we were dealing with that issue for the very first time. One of the first moments when I disagreed with the government was to say that I did not think this law was constitutional and that we should fix it. On the Emergencies Act, there was calling out its invocation in an overbroad manner. There was fixing overbroad anti-terrorism legislation from a past Conservative government, and defending international human rights in, hopefully, a consistent way and with a sense of conscience for Rohingya refugees, Uyghurs, Hong Kong democracy activists, Palestinians and others.
     To make politics about ideas, in the pandemic, we transitioned from hosting regular town halls to hosting a podcast. I have been lucky to have many colleagues in this place join me for conversations across the aisle to really make politics about ideas. When I think back, it was a promise I made when I was running in the nomination in 2013 and 2014.
    I leave with, yes, a sense of accomplishment in some ways but also a sense of unfinished business. I do hope that future Parliaments will take wealth inequality and generational fairness more seriously. I hope they take action to ensure that, in a wealthy country like ours, people will not live in poverty, and all people will live with a core sense of dignity.
    I hope there is transformational action to deliver competition. We are a country of oligopolies, but we should not be. I hope that we do see a wartime effort to build housing, transit and clean energy infrastructure, and that we take international peace assistance and co-operation more seriously. We could use more Pearson in this moment.
    We all know that this is a job that comes with little job description. It is what we put into it. It is what we make it. I have had some roles, not an unending number, over the years. On the anti-poverty caucus, I had the co-chair role alongside Senator Pate where we advocated for basic income supports and strengthening the social safety net. There was the animal welfare caucus, which I helped found with other Liberal colleagues. I was the 416 caucus chair, and we helped deliver transit and housing for our city. I was chair of the Inter-Parliamentary Union and the team on the Canadian side.
    I was also minister of housing, where I was lucky to deliver, for colleagues on all sides of the aisle, housing and building housing faster. It was one of the busiest times of my life, and my wife can attest to this. It was four months, although I will say that I did serve under two prime ministers.
    The role I have lived the most, the one I have worked hardest to make a reality, is simply to be a principled voice in Parliament, one who takes ideas seriously, is willing to work across the aisle, acts with integrity, and more than anything, is honest, which is the most important value in this place.
     I wrote this a while back, and I believe it to be true. I think we can all agree that no political party represents our views perfectly. We find the party that best represents our views and values, and we engage, debate, and organize to bring our party and country closer to those goals. We push, and in my case, I have seen my role as being to push the government to be the best version of itself. Yes, we disagreed at times but made that disagreement about ideas, and more often than not, with the benefit of time and persistence, there was change.
    I will comment on the importance of independence. I was just telling my wife this. In the leadership race in 2023 for the Ontario Liberal leadership, I was in Norfolk County at an event. A woman rolled up in front of the café that I was about to go into for the event. She had all the “F Trudeau” stickers one can imagine. Her pickup truck was decked out. I went in to the event and saw that she had a thick binder of articles about me. I was not really sure how it would end.
    I gave my speech, including the ideas I cared about but also the approach to politics I cared about. Afterwards, as I was working table to table, I came to her table. She quickly shut the binder and said, “You know what? I really appreciate what you said about independence. We need more of that in politics.” It strikes me that, when we take a step back, not only do we agree on more than we disagree on, but overwhelmingly across the aisle, we do care about the same approach to politics when we step outside of this place.
     When I was first running in the nomination, a 29-year-old who had no idea what I was doing, a friend of mine from law school gave me a book entitled Tragedy in the Commons. I do not know if members have read it, but it is a series of exit interviews from former parliamentarians. They all basically say the same thing. It is a series of laments. They said things such as that when they came to Ottawa, they wanted to make the biggest difference they could on behalf of their community, but when they arrived, they read the canned talking points they were given to read, delivered the prewritten speeches given to them by staffers to deliver and voted how they were told to vote. They did not make the difference they had set out to make.
(1335)
    When I was elected, I was determined to not give an exit interview like that. In the back of my mind, I always kept this quote from Kurt Vonnegut: “We are what we pretend to be, so we should be careful about what we pretend to be.” I actually happen to think it is doubly true in politics. This is my last speech, but when I go back to my first speech, and to judge at the end, one might want to go back to the start, I said at the time that I would stress the importance of independence in the House, the importance of thoughtfulness and the importance of reasonable disagreement.
    If I leave members with anything, it is this message: We should all act how we want this place to be. We need more ideas, more independent thinking and more honesty. Honesty is central to trust, and trust is at the heart of our representative democracy. Amidst the centralization, the pressure and the whips, we should act how we want the House to be.
    Yes, I can hear the common reply to this: “But isn't politics a team sport?” First, I would say that we are first and foremost trustees in the public interest, even if it means, yes, the occasional visit to the whip's office. We all win elections as a team, but we should remember why we win elections. We win elections to serve ideas. We do not come up with ideas to serve elections.
    The second thing to say is that we are also voices for our home communities, and those home communities are our team too. When I go back to my local grocery store and I see a friend from high school, they are my team. When I go back home and I see the volunteer who knocked doors with me in the snow in 2015, they are my team too.
    I just want to say, yes, I have been a very proud member of the Liberal caucus since 2015. I have been more proud to be the representative for Beaches—East York. I want to thank Beaches—East York and everyone back home. I want to thank supporters for everything. I mostly just want to thank Amy and my family, mostly for putting up with me but also for standing beside me.
    I am going to suggest that we take all the questions and comments first and then provide the hon. member with an opportunity to respond to them all at once.
    Questions and comments, the hon. member for Calgary Nose Hill.
    Mr. Speaker, in tribute to my colleague, I will share with folks a couple of lessons I have learned in my time. The first is that the power and responsibility granted to a member of Parliament from the centre of a political party are never greater than the power and responsibility granted by our constituents, and the first and foremost role of an MP is to hold the government to account. On that point, I have watched our colleague do that even while sitting in the governing party's caucus, and that takes a spine.
    Our colleague has introduced bold private member's legislation that started national conversations and that pushed his party in Parliament to take clear positions on critical issues. Parliament works only when each of us remembers who sent us here. In that, Parliament needs much more envelope pushing and much less quiet complacency. My hope, as our colleague takes his leave of the House, is that the spirit he demonstrated over his decade of service here takes root, with a caveat.
    Here is one other lesson I have learned in Parliament. In order to get anything done for our constituents, we have to build consensus. Oftentimes in Parliament, lesson number one and lesson number two are in direct conflict with each other. How do we advance a policy on behalf of our constituency if our party does not want to embrace it, and how do we convince colleagues that our solution or our leadership is in their best interest?
    The answer to all these questions is humility, patience, persistence and self-discipline. Of all of the human virtues, these qualities are hardest to master, and there is no harder place to learn them than in front of the screens of millions of Canadians while sitting in the pressure cooker that is the Ottawa bubble as an elected leader. I see my colleague. I know that my colleague has always had his heart with the people who elected him, and as he leaves the House, colleague to colleague, I wish him this blessing: continuing the journey to find balance with those lessons, which admittedly is something I have to remind myself to fixate on every day.
    I also want to thank him for taking risks, pushing himself and earning the right to say that he has walked that path, which frankly few people in this place actually do. In his future endeavours, may he be known as a consensus-building maverick. For that matter, for the sake of our nation, I wish that for all of us.
(1340)

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, it is sad for me to have to say this to my colleague from Beaches—East York, whom I knew and particularly appreciated at the Standing Committee on Industry and Technology for several years.
    First, if his wife is in the gallery, I would like to take the liberty of telling her that she and my colleague have a lovely kitchen, which we have had the pleasure of seeing many times in committee, and that they also have very beautiful children.
    What I will take away from my colleague is his spirit of independence. Independence obviously resonates with me very much. That is one of my motivations for being in politics. I actually wanted to ask him about that, and he talked about it in his speech. Indeed, for me, and just like the member for Calgary Nose Hill or the former NDP member for Windsor West, when we were on the Standing Committee on Industry, we knew that we had truly independent members.
    As for my colleague's legacy in the House, I would like to ask him the following question: If we were to create the Nathaniel Erskine-Smith index to measure MPs' degree of independence from their party line, how would that index look right now?
    I want to thank Nate, and I hope to see him again soon.

[English]

    Mr. Speaker, it is an honour and a privilege to be able to say a couple of kind words about my good friend from Beaches—East York.
    I will start by saying that it is disappointing. In the last few weeks, this is the third progressive member of Parliament from the government caucus who is leaving this place, especially at a time when we need progressive politics.
     I cannot think of another member of Parliament in the history of this country who has fought and worked more to end animal cruelty and stand up for animal rights. It has been a privilege to watch him work, and we all know we have to carry that work forward. We will take his crusade with us.
    My colleague from Calgary Nose Hill talked about courage, and I really want to emphasize that. He stood with the NDP well before the supply and confidence agreement on pharmacare. I am disappointed that he does not get to see it exercised in his home province. I hope the government will take that to heart. He stood with my bill, Bill C-216, on a health-based approach to tackle the toxic drug crisis. He was an outlier in his caucus and he stood with us to make sure that we had a plan to respond to the toxic drug crisis. I want to thank him for his support.
    I want to highlight one thing, which is his job as a minister. He took it to heart when we asked for support for a pool upgrade in my riding. He understood the need for seniors to have a safe place to exercise and how it was community medicine. He constantly texted me, emailed me, phoned me and checked on the project. He worked so diligently. I was so taken aback by his persistence to try to get something done. It resulted in the single largest federal government investment in mid-Vancouver Island for a recreation facility. My community is grateful.
    I hope he will visit my community so that we can celebrate the incredible work he put into our project. I want to thank him for his work and courage, and I look forward to seeing what he does next.
(1345)
    Mr. Speaker, it is a pleasure to speak about my colleague from Beaches—East York.
    I come to this place as a relatively new MP, but I had the privilege of collaborating with the member in my former life, leading a think tank at Toronto Metropolitan University. I greatly appreciated that we had the chance to engage on a number of the ideas he mentioned in his speech, particularly competition policy and responsible technology.
     What I especially appreciate about our departing colleague is his ability and commitment to attach thoughtful policy to committed politics. Our colleague is a person of ideas and he is deeply committed to the underlying change that can happen with more attention to those issues.
    We collaborated for a brief time on the industry committee. In fact, we had an exchange at the industry committee yesterday with a representative of one of those mega-platforms, which I think summoned the spirit of our departing member for Beaches—East York. In that time, I had the chance to understand his commitment to deep engagement on the issues and why and how it matters to get the details right, to get deep into the weeds of an issue, to call those involved in that issue to account and to be responsible, and to engage more broadly in how these big systems that are so removed from people, on the face of them, actually touch our constituents in all kinds of ways. These issues include affordability, protection online or those precious creatures that do not have their own voices in this place.
    I deeply appreciate my colleague's commitment to bringing those system-level issues and questions and bringing them down to our constituents, not only in his riding but on behalf of those who care about similar issues across Canada. Our colleague represented an area east of the Don River. I represent an area west of the Don River. In the Toronto caucus and in some of the political engagements we had, I learned a lot about the way we can have committed politics and attach them to thoughtful policy.
    With that, I wish my colleague the best in his new venture and new adventures. I know this place and our country have been stronger because of his service.
     Before I give the floor to the hon. member for Beaches—East York, I will say, on behalf of this House, we wish him and his family good health and happiness.
    The hon. member for Beaches—East York.
    Mr. Speaker, I should not have used that line at the outset. I felt like I was speaking at my own funeral, but now I have just heard other people speak at it.
    Where do I start? My wife is a chef, so that is why it is such a lovely kitchen.
     I do not mind the label “maverick”. I am a shameless politician who likes getting elected, and that does not hurt, but I have actually always seen myself as being more of a reformer. I am not alone, standing here and giving this speech.
     I think about the different issues I have raised over the years. When I first raised privacy issues, we worked collaboratively at committee. It was largely unanimous in the wake of the Cambridge Analytica scandal, but privacy was not on the government's agenda. It then became government legislation on the government's agenda, like the digital government the member for Taiaiako'n—Parkdale—High Park just spoke about. We were early speaking about it, and now it is more firmly part of the government's agenda, recognizing that we live our lives online and we need laws to respect and realize that reality.
    When we look at the working income tax benefit that became the Canada workers benefit, it was a caucus resolution that I put forward, which then became government policy.
     I do not want to tell tales out of school, but the former prime minister called me shortly after my second son was born in December 2019. I said, “Prime Minister, thank you so much for the call. I have to be honest. You are not going to love this, but I just won the private member's bill lottery again and I am going to do something on drug policy.” There was a pause on the phone. I said, “We can collaborate. I could go alone and do drug decriminalization, but give me an adviser from your office, an adviser from Health and an adviser from Justice, and we will find consensus and get something done.” We did that and we changed the law, and now we treat substance use more as a health issue than we otherwise did.
    I think persistence is right. I think patience is right. I think working collaboratively while maintaining a sense of principled independence is also an important part of the picture.
     It has been great working with the members. I look forward to swimming in that pool. They can let me know when it is ready and I will be in Vancouver.
    This is the last thing. Everyone has been offering advice. I would tell the leader of the NDP, who is new, to stick to his principles. I would tell the Prime Minister to stick to his values. I would tell the Conservative leader to find his sincere and serious side, and the picture might improve. Otherwise, I thank everyone.
(1350)
    Mr. Speaker, I want to give my very best to my friend and colleague in his future endeavours, whatever they might be, and I want to acknowledge his family, staff and friends, who I am sure are very sorry to see him go. Others will get a bit more time with a loved one.
    Having said that, I want to get right into the discussions and talk about some of the things I heard coming from the Conservative Party today. I often talk about how the Conservatives like to mislead Canadians. Today, again, we are getting a good sample of that.
     I believe the Conservative critic for housing is a former mayor. He can correct me if I am wrong. He stood in his place and said, in essence, that municipalities do not require, need or want any sort of assistance in dealing with bureaucracy and reducing the cost of planning. The individual should go and visit some municipalities, and I would really encourage members opposite to do likewise. Some of them have. I can recall a letter campaign that went around among a number of the Conservative MPs, in which they were asking for financial support.
    If we take a look at it, the city of Winnipeg has benefited immensely from national policies dealing with housing. I am thinking about the accelerator fund. If we talk to the mayor and the city councillors, we will find that there was wide support for that program, and as a direct result, hundreds of homes have been built. To say, as the Conservative Party consistently does, that the national government should just get out of the way and it does not have a role to play in housing, is misguided at best. Ultimately, it is potentially threatening, if we think about how the Conservatives might ever again take the reins of power, especially the far-right Conservatives we see day in and day out here on the floor of the House of Commons.
    Today's Conservative Party would never have supported things like the CMHC, which has been around for generations, provided stability within our mortgage regime and enabled millions of Canadians to acquire the finances that are necessary in order to be a homeowner. I question where the Conservative right and its policies are today. Its members have made it very clear that they do not support Bill C‑20. Imagine my shock. I am not shocked.
    I can tell the House that, at the end of the day, the Conservative Party is once again making a mistake by not realizing the difference between, let us say, the CMHC and Canada Lands and what we are proposing within the Build Canada Homes legislation.
    Arnold Viersen: We know the difference.
    Hon. Kevin Lamoureux: Mr. Speaker, no, they do not really know the difference. At least, they have not demonstrated that they do, because they constantly stand up and ask what the difference is. They do not understand it.
    Mr. Speaker, I am sure you understand it, but the Conservative Party does not understand it. At least, the candidates who have stood up obviously do not understand it, because if they did, they would see the value in having this legislation passed. Build Canada Homes has the potential to do a wide variety of things, which the Conservative Party should recognize, given the time. The fundamental difference between the Liberals and the Conservatives on this issue is that we, the vast majority of Canadians and all provinces and territories, because they participate in the federal programs, recognize that the national government has a role to play in housing. This should be indisputable.
(1355)
     We would think the Conservatives would understand and appreciate it. I am not surprised, because if we take a look at it, when the Leader of the Conservative Party was the minister responsible for housing in Canada, he built six houses. I do not know where they are, but apparently he built six homes; not him personally, but apparently, his department. Is that any shock? I do not think so, given what the Conservatives are saying today.
    If they were to listen to what their communities are saying and wanted to add value to the housing stock, or if they were to take a look at what this government, and particularly the Prime Minister, said as a part of our election platform to deal with the issues of affordability, which includes housing, they would see results. One year later, housing and rental prices have gone down. We have a government that is aggressively pushing the expansion of our housing market. Meanwhile, we see the Conservatives saying, “Get out of the way.” I do not understand how they believe that affordable housing is going to appear out of nowhere.
    An hon. member: That is a solution.
    Hon. Kevin Lamoureux: Mr. Speaker, no, that is not a solution; it is a dumb idea being promoted by Conservative members.
    At the end of the day, a vast majority of Canadians recognize—
    Mr. Speaker, I stand on a point of order. I believe the member was referring to Conservatives and our ideas and he called us a bad word, an unparliamentary word. I would like him to retract that word.
    It was not directed at any individual member, and even then, I do not think it would be unparliamentary.
    The hon. parliamentary secretary to the government House leader.
    Mr. Speaker, I am a bit surprised that, while the Conservatives say how much they love freedom and do not want censorship, the member is trying to say that I cannot say the Conservative Party has dumb ideas.
     When one really stops and thinks about it, their solution for the housing crisis in Canada is to stand back and do nothing. There are provinces, municipalities, non-profit organizations and stakeholders out there saying that the federal government should do something, which is what Bill C-20 would do.
    Through Bill C-20, we would develop a corporation that would support the expansion of Canada's housing industry and our housing stock. For example, we are talking about promoting modular homes; increasing housing co-ops and other forms of non-profit housing; and working with municipalities and provinces to add value and to increase the amount of affordable housing. That is what Bill C-20 is all about.
    The Conservatives say, “No, we do not want that.” Why is that? I do not understand it for the life of me. They say that they understand the needs of Canadians, but they do not. They are going to vote against Bill C-20, just like they vote against any idea that comes out of the government to be affordable for Canadians—
(1400)
     We will have to continue this later.

Statements by Members

[Statements by Members]

[English]

Kiwanis Club of Sault Ste. Marie

    Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize a remarkable milestone for the Kiwanis Club of Sault Ste. Marie as it celebrates 100 years of awesome service.
     Since its founding in 1926, the club has embodied the very best of volunteerism, generosity and community leadership. For a century, its members have dedicated countless hours to improving the lives of children and families through fundraising, literacy initiatives, scholarships, youth leadership programs and support for local organizations.
     Whether through the Kiwanis pancake breakfast, partnership with the Thrive Child Development Centre or care packages for vulnerable children, the club's impact has been felt for generations. Its members have shown that lasting change is built through compassion, inclusion and service above self.
     I extend sincere congratulations to all past and present members of the Kiwanis Club of Sault Ste. Marie as it begins its second century of service. I know that it will be just as inspiring as the first.

80th Anniversary of the Republic of Italy

    Mr. Speaker, Italian culture is a rich tapestry of history, art, cuisine, family tradition and the values of respect for each other.
     Family is extremely important in the Italian culture. My grandfather arrived in Canada in 1950, where he had the opportunity to work and provide a home for his family. I had the privilege of growing up with my nonna who taught me the beauty of the Italian cuisine, which is enjoyed in my community in King—Vaughan and across Canada. Her recipes and teachings of tolerance, compassion and love will always be treasured.
    [Member spoke in Italian]
[English]
    As chair of the Canada-Italy Interparliamentary Group, I am proud to celebrate the 80th anniversary of the Republic of Italy. Let us all reflect on the friendships that Canada and Italy share, and let us continue the traditions. May we celebrate and continue to flourish together.
    Viva Canada! Viva Italia!

[Translation]

Local Business in Mont‑Saint‑Bruno—L'Acadie

    Mr. Speaker, today I would like to highlight the impact of Zero‑C, a company based in Mont-Saint-Bruno—L'Acadie.
     Zero‑C recently won the award of excellence in the manufacturing business category at the south shore chamber of commerce and industry gala, a testimony to its innovation and leadership.
    Zero‑C stands out for its commitment to sustainable, forward-thinking solutions. It perfectly embodies Quebec's expertise and the ability of our companies to innovate while contributing to a more responsible and high-performing economy. This success is the result of the hard work of a passionate team that is a source of pride for our region. Congratulations to this company on this well-deserved recognition. I wish it every success in the future.

[English]

Trans-Canada Highway

    Mr. Speaker, over one year into this Prime Minister's mandate, and Canadians are still waiting for action on the national projects that were promised.
     Despite Liberal rhetoric, no new pipelines have been approved, and major projects continue to be stuck in purgatory, including the Trans‑Canada Highway through northwestern Ontario. Improving this vital piece of infrastructure is top of mind for people in our region, whether it be for the safety of travellers or for our overall economic sovereignty. That is why I have been advocating for this project for nearly seven years.
    Recently, I presented a petition to this House, signed by Canadians from every single province, calling on the government to support improvements to the highway through northwestern Ontario. Canadians know our national highway holds national importance, and its time the Liberals recognize it too.
    I stand once again, urging the government to finally make good on its promises and finally get shovels in the ground.

[Translation]

785 St-Eustache Kiwanis Squadron

    Mr. Speaker, today I would like to recognize the excellence, discipline, and determination of the 785 St‑Eustache Kiwanis squadron.
    On June 6, during the 2026 provincial military drill competition organized by the eastern division of the Regional Cadet Support Unit, 785 Squadron took first place in the triumph category, earning the title of best squad in its category.
    This victory is the result of remarkable hard work, strong team spirit and exemplary dedication on the part of our young cadets. I would like to congratulate the cadets, their instructors, the volunteers, the families and everyone who supports them on their journey. They proudly represent St‑Eustache and the entire Rivière-des-Mille-Îles riding.
    Congratulations to the 785 St‑Eustache Kiwanis squadron on this tremendous achievement.
(1405)

[English]

Temporary Foreign Worker Program

     Mr. Speaker, record-high youth unemployment in Canada is a direct result of the Liberal government's reckless immigration policies. By flooding the labour market with temporary foreign workers and residents, the current government has created a wage-suppressing crisis. Instead of protecting opportunities for young Canadians, these policies have locked our youth out of the workforce, fuelling a devastating job crisis.
     Ethan Miranda is a bright young man who did everything he was supposed to do. He studied hard, earned excellent grades and was accepted in one of Canada's top universities in a highly competitive program. He graduated with honours and expected to find employment in his field. After 500 applications, he was forced to accept a job just barely above minimum wage.
     Now the Liberal government has launched an international campaign to recruit more foreign students to Canada who compete with Ethan and other young Canadians who are struggling to find work. The Liberal government should stop pandering to lobbyists and start putting Canadians first. Conservatives would replace the temporary foreign worker program with one that would prioritize Canadian youth and Canadian workers.

Forbes Kennedy

    Mr. Speaker, last week, a funeral took place at the Eastlink Centre hockey arena for a true Prince Edward Island legend, Forbes Kennedy.
     Raised in Charlottetown, Forbie built an extraordinary career in professional hockey, playing more than 600 games in the NHL with the Chicago Blackhawks, the Detroit Red Wings, the Boston Bruins, the Philadelphia Flyers and the Toronto Maple Leafs. Known for his toughness, determination and fierce loyalty to his teammates, he earned the respect of players and fans across North America.
     Beyond the rink, Islanders knew him as someone who never forgot where he came from. Forbes Kennedy represented the grit, humility and work ethic that Islanders value so deeply. He coached generations of young athletes and remained an important figure in our province's rich hockey and baseball history.
     I offer sincere condolences to Forbes's family, friends, former teammates and all those mourning his loss. May his memory continue to inspire, both on and off the ice.

Community Service

     Mr. Speaker, today, I rise to honour a man who has spent a lifetime proving that success means nothing unless one shares it. Bob Saunders has been called a perennial booster of good things, a title that is well earned.
     From founding Saunders Subaru to supporting arts, youth, sports, health care, veterans and education across Vancouver Island, Bob has never stopped giving back. I can speak to this personally. As a former Wounded Warriors Canada team runner, I have seen first-hand what Bob's generosity means to those who carried the weight of service long after coming home, not just in dollars, but in dignity, hope and healing. Bob believes that paying it forward and civic-minded people who lead by example inspire the next generation of community leaders. He has lived every word of that and he has inspired me.
    Recently, I had the honour of joining Bob and his beloved Norma at a Victoria Shamrocks season opener, celebrating 70 years of marriage and 70 years of making our island better. On behalf of Cowichan—Malahat—Langford and those across Vancouver Island, I thank Bob, Norma and the entire Saunders family. Their legacy is written in the lives that they have changed.

[Translation]

Hugo Jobin

    Mr. Speaker, visitors strolling through the Parc des pionniers in Baie-Comeau will see a 1,150-foot-long snake winding its way across, made up of some 34,000 rocks painted by people from around the world, like a fantastical creature emerging from the nearby sea.
    This immense creature sprang from the genius of a young boy, Hugo Jobin. At eight years old, when leukemia was threatening his childhood, Hugo chose to bring his rock snake to life, because he decided then that he would beat not only leukemia, but also a Guinness world record.
    Two years later, Hugo has beaten cancer and has already beaten every possible record for love and solidarity, alongside an entire community and, of course, his parents, Mélanie and Nicolas, as well as his little sister.
    I want to thank Hugo for showing us that the act of creating gives us even greater strength. He is 10 years old today. The Bloc Québécois is celebrating life with him and, soon, his Guinness world record.
(1410)

[English]

Dr. Peter Centre

     Mr. Speaker, I stand today to champion the Dr. Peter Centre, an organization in my riding that integrates housing, health care, nutrition, therapeutic and cultural programs to serve the underserved and the vulnerable. The centre's integrated model has demonstrated positive and measurable results among its clients for decades. I have personally witnessed its impact: Reduced dependence on emergency departments, improved health status and fewer overdoses equal a decrease in health care costs in the long run. However, most important is the hope that the clients get from this program and the sense of belonging and integration into the community.
     The Dr. Peter Centre has begun to extend this program across Canada. The vulnerable and underserved need our help and support to achieve these outcomes: positive health and social and economic well-being. After all, is this not what we all came here to do?

Chinese Canadians

    Mr. Speaker, 20 years ago, former prime minister Stephen Harper delivered in this House a historic apology and redress for the Chinese head tax. That was a defining moment in our country's reconciliation. It recognized a historic wrong and affirmed the great contributions of Chinese Canadians to Canada. From the railways that united our nation to the businesses, professions and communities that strengthen it today, Chinese Canadians have shaped our country's success for generations.
    Today, Chinese Canadians continue to excel in public service, entrepreneurship, academics and culture. That is why I have introduced Motion No. 32, which would designate June 22 as national Chinese Canadian contributions day and recognize June as Chinese Canadian contributions month.
     As we mark this important anniversary, let us honour the resilience, achievements and legacy of Chinese Canadians and ensure that their contributions continue to be recognized for generations to come.

Youth in Port Moody—Coquitlam

    Mr. Speaker, over the past three weeks in Port Moody—Coquitlam, I have been truly inspired by remarkable young people. I met students at the Youth Leadership Society of B.C.'s Model UN, the HanaTV youth press corps and the Steps Together Foundation public speaking contest, young people who were debating human rights and diplomacy, learning journalism and finding the courage to use their voices. I also had the honour of meeting members of the 754 Phoenix Squadron of the Royal Canadian Air Cadets and hearing the remarkable Port Moody Youth Symphony Orchestra.
     These opportunities do not happen by accident. They are built by founders, mentors, families and leaders in every field who pour their hearts into helping young people grow and lead. This gives me great hope for Canada.

[Translation]

The Economy

    Mr. Speaker, the sad reality is that Canada is in a recession.
    While the Liberals refuse to acknowledge this and continue to play with words, Canadians are facing very real hardships. A total of 2.2 million Canadians, a third of whom are children, rely on food banks. Canada has the worst food inflation in the G7. Housing is no longer affordable, and young people are giving up on the dream of home ownership. The overall economy is not doing any better. Productivity is tanking, businesses are investing less, and this marks the fifth negative quarter. The Parliamentary Budget Officer says that the labour market has weakened and that businesses are postponing their investment plans because of increased uncertainty.
    Banks are forecasting dismal growth of 0.8% according to Scotiabank and 0.5% according to BMO. That is the reality for all Canadians. Since the Prime Minister took office, we have had three negative quarters. Unfortunately, yes, Canada is in a recession. When will we see real results for all Canadians?

Remorquage Boissonneault

    Mr. Speaker, today I want to highlight an act of generosity that deserves recognition.
    Recently, my father, who is 94 years old, had his mobility scooter break down. This vehicle is much more than a means of transportation for him. It also represents his independence and freedom.
    We called Remorquage Boissonneault for help. Once the vehicle had been towed, I asked the tow operator, Luc Dumont, how much we owed him. His response was that we did not owe him anything and that he does not charge seniors for that type of service.
    My father was touched by this simple gesture, which allows seniors, who often live on modest incomes, to avoid an extra expense and maintain their mobility. At a time when we often talk about the major challenges that our seniors face, it is important to recognize these concrete gestures that are truly making a difference in their daily lives.
    I want to thank Remorquage Boissonneault for their generosity and for their example of solidarity with our entire community.
(1415)

[English]

The Economy

    Mr. Speaker, Canada is falling behind. Under the Liberal Prime Minister, Canada stands alone as the only G20 country in a recession. Families feel it every day. Paycheques do not stretch as far, bills keep piling up, and home ownership is slipping out of reach. Canadians are left asking a simple question: How did we get here? The answer is a decade of Liberal economic failure.
    The Liberals said this spring that they would borrow $65 billion, yet the independent budget watchdog says the real number is $72 billion. That is $7 billion more on debt, $7 billion more to be paid by our children and grandchildren. The Liberals keep spending like there is no tomorrow, while Canadians are left paying the price today with higher debt, higher costs and less opportunity.
     Canadians deserve better than excuses. They deserve a government that grows the economy instead of growing the debt. It is time to end the reckless spending, restore fiscal responsibility and get Canada back on track.

National Indigenous History Month

    Mr. Speaker, June is National Indigenous History Month, a time to celebrate the histories, cultures, languages and contributions of first nations, Inuit and Métis people across Canada.
     In my riding of West Vancouver—Sunshine Coast—Sea to Sky Country, we live on the ancestral and unceded territories of the Squamish, shíshálh, Líl̓wat and N'Quatqua nations. Archeological evidence from B.C. shows that indigenous peoples have lived on these lands for more than 14,000 years, representing one of the longest continuous human histories anywhere in the world.
     This month, communities across our region are coming together to celebrate indigenous history and culture. Whether attending syíyaya Days on the Sunshine Coast, joining National Indigenous Peoples Day celebrations at the Squamish Lil’wat Cultural Centre or learning about indigenous history from a guided Talaysay Tour in West Vancouver, there are many opportunities to learn from and celebrate the first peoples of these lands.
    I encourage all Canadians to take this opportunity to listen, learn and celebrate the rich indigenous heritage that continues to shape our communities and our country.
     [Member spoke in Ucwalmícwts]

Oral Questions

[Oral Questions]

[Translation]

Rail Transportation

    Mr. Speaker, Canadians are paying the price for having the only recession in the G20. Now the Prime Minister is forcing Canadians to pay $90 billion for a high-speed rail project that will destroy farms in Quebec, all without consulting farmers. Communities in regional Quebec will pay the price, yet they will not even get a station.
    Why is the Prime Minister sacrificing Quebec's regions for yet another Liberal white elephant?
     Mr. Speaker, Quebeckers voted for a Liberal government in the last election. They elected 44 Liberal MPs in Quebec, and high-speed rail was part of the Liberal election platform in that province.
    High-speed rail will create over 50,000 jobs, contribute over $37 billion to GDP and bring a more prosperous and sustainable future for Quebec.
    Mr. Speaker, it just creates jobs for their Liberal friends.
    This “phantom” railway already has 13 vice-presidents, all of whom have received a $2.3-million bonus, even though not a single inch of track has been laid in Canada. Now, the Prime Minister wants to force farmers to lose their land and charge every Canadian family $4,000.
    Why is he proposing yet another white elephant when we are already in a recession?
    Mr. Speaker, we need to support large-scale national projects.
    The corridor will be only 60 metres wide, but it is the largest infrastructure project in the country's history.
    Now is the time to build Quebec strong and build Canada strong, and we are going to do it.
(1420)

[English]

The Economy

    Mr. Speaker, the Liberal Prime Minister has created the only recession in the G7 and the G20. Today, the Office of the Superintendent of Bankruptcy revealed it is getting worse: an 8% increase in consumer insolvencies and a 10% increase in bankruptcies. In the 12 months the Prime Minister has been in office, we have had the highest number of insolvencies in a decade and a half. The Liberal Prime Minister created this mess by doubling the deficit, driving up inflation and grinding growth down.
    Will he reverse these disastrous Liberal policies before more Canadians go bankrupt?
     Mr. Speaker, we are in the midst of the biggest transformation of the Canadian economy in decades. We are building a stronger economy, a more resilient economy and a more independent economy, and our plan is taking root.
    Last week, we just heard that we have created over 88,000 jobs, all full-time, all private sector. This economy is creating jobs at twice the rate of the United States. More Canadians are in work than the Americans, and more Canadian women, by seven percentage points, than the U.S.
     Oh, Mr. Speaker, he is transforming the economy. He has transformed it into the only recession in the G20. Regretfully, this year there has been a net loss of 24,000 jobs, meaning that we have the second-highest unemployment in the G7, a third higher than in the United States.
    Today, Equifax said that “Canadian entrepreneurship is on the decline and business payment challenges continued to build as more companies fell behind on [their] payments”. A third fewer small businesses launched in the last 24 months.
    Current businesses are going bankrupt. New ones are not launching. Will he reverse course before more go bankrupt?
     Mr. Speaker, what matters is that people believe in this economy and are moving forward. The Leader of the Opposition does not believe in Canada.
    This is what is happening. More Canadians are in the workforce than the Americans. More Canadian women are in the workforce than the Americans by seven percentage points. Investment in machinery and equipment by businesses is up 10%. We have the highest level of foreign direct investment in 20 years. A trade surplus was just registered. We are building Canada strong.
    Mr. Speaker, the Prime Minister accuses me of not believing in Canada. It is my patriotic duty to fight for the people who are suffering as a result of his recession.
     Once again, he is making the mistake of confusing Canada with the Liberal Party. We are not going to take any lessons on patriotism from a guy who stashes his corporate cash in a tax haven and moves his corporate head office out of this country. We are going to continue to fight for Canadian workers, Canadian consumers and a strong Canadian economy.
    Some hon. members: Oh, oh!
     I did not hear the question. We will go to the next question.
     Mr. Speaker, I understand that the Prime Minister cannot stand up for the miserable economic track record he has created. Canada is the only G7 country in a recession.
     Instead of attacking other people's patriotism, why does he not take responsibility for the damage he has caused? Equifax reports that the national 60-day delinquency rate for businesses rose 11% year over year in the most recent quarter, with escalating costs and higher inflation being the main culprits. That is what the organization reports.
    We know the Prime Minister managed to put us in the only recession in the G7. Will he reverse these disastrous policies before he drives more people into bankruptcy?
    Mr. Speaker, we are growing an economy that is stronger, more resilient and more independent. The flash GDP estimate for April is 0.4% growth. I will annualize that to help out the Leader of the Opposition. That is 5% growth.
     A trade surplus just registered the strongest job growth in the G7 in just this last month, at 88,000 jobs, which is twice the rate of the United States', and twice the rate of foreign investment.
(1425)

[Translation]

Canadian Identity and Culture

    Mr. Speaker, the Prime Minister is abandoning Quebec culture to please the web giants and Donald Trump. First, he scrapped the digital services tax, which represents a loss of $1.4 billion per year, in exchange for absolutely nothing. Today, he is ordering the CRTC to waive every penny of the levies charged to streaming platforms like Netflix and Amazon Prime, and yet the European Union imposes levies on streaming platforms and they comply without any significant cost increases for their customers.
    Why is the Prime Minister in such a hurry to leave our culture at Donald Trump's mercy?
    Mr. Speaker, the real question is this: Why does the Bloc Québécois vote against investments in Quebec culture, francophone culture and Canadian culture at every opportunity? There is over $760 million for culture in the most recent budget, and we just proposed $600 million for the francophone and Canadian cultural sector.
    Mr. Speaker, let us take a look at the Prime Minister's recent record. The Prime Minister is turning his back on culture in favour of digital giants like Netflix and Amazon. The Prime Minister is abandoning the fight against climate change in favour of the oil companies' American shareholders. The Prime Minister is handing control of pesticides over to multinational agrochemical companies.
    No prime minister has ever deregulated so extensively for the benefit of large foreign corporations. Is selling out to the highest foreign bidder what he means by building Canada strong?
    Mr. Speaker, the Bloc Québécois always opposes everything. It is opposed to major investments in culture, including francophone and Quebec culture. It voted against major investment tax credits for the electricity sector in the last budget. It opposes the agreement with Quebec announced last week that includes $10 billion in investments across all sectors, particularly in health care and public transportation.
    Mr. Speaker, the first thing the Prime Minister sacrificed in the trade war with Washington is francophone culture.
    This reminds me of how Winston Churchill was advised to cut funding for the arts in the middle of a world war. Churchill asked, if not for the arts, then what are we fighting for?
    What the Prime Minister has sacrificed to Donald Trump is what sets the Quebec nation apart: our culture, in our language. This is how the Quebec people expresses its existence. How can he treat it as a mere bargaining chip?
    Mr. Speaker, it is sad, but it seems to me that the Bloc Québécois has not read the latest budget. It includes more than $750 million for culture: Canadian culture, Quebec culture, francophone culture, including funding for Telefilm Canada, the Canada Media Fund, the National Film Board of Canada, the Canada Council for the Arts, and Radio-Canada.
    We have also just added $600 million for culture.

[English]

The Economy

     Mr. Speaker, in addition to being an embarrassment for the Prime Minister that he is the only leader in the G20 to cause a recession—
    Some hon. members: Oh, oh!
     An hon. member is quite far back in the corner and I can still hear him. There is something wrong with that equation.
    The hon. Leader of the Opposition can start from the top.
    Mr. Speaker, having the only recession in the G20 is not only an embarrassment for the Liberal Prime Minister, who has been wrong on every economic issue of the last decade. It also has a serious human cost for Canadians. Yesterday, at the Calgary airport, I met an electrician who told me that despite working non-stop, he had to move back in with his mother because he cannot afford the cost of Liberal inflation and now the Liberal recession.
     We know Liberal insiders are getting rich off tax havens, handouts and consulting contracts, but why is it always the hard-working people, like this electrician, who have to pay the bill?
(1430)

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, yesterday, the opposition leader was at the Calgary International Airport. Yesterday, I was here with other members of Parliament at the installation of the Governor General.

[English]

    She said our project is a “common project”. The Premier of Alberta said, “the current Prime Minister has worked very constructively with our government to craft an Alberta...MOU”. It has already attracted tens of billions of dollars in investment for new pipelines, natural gas, data centres, electricity and much more.
     That is how we build the province, and that is how we build this country.
    Mr. Speaker, the question was about an electrician who had to move back in with his mother, despite the fact that he has worked hard, he got his licence, he shows up for work every single day and, unlike the Prime Minister, he pays his full tax bill here in Canada. He is paying the price of the Liberal recession. Canada is the only country in the entire G20 that is in a recession.
    Will the Prime Minister reverse the disastrous, costly, inflationary Liberal policies that put this electrician back in his mother's basement and our country into a recession, or will he just sit there and smirk?
    Mr. Speaker, the Leader of the Opposition should talk to the national president of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, who has systematically applauded our approach to building big projects in this country, including the largest electrification of mobility in the history of this continent, which is a high-speed rail project that will employ more electricians than this guy could meet in 15 years.
    Mr. Speaker, did he say 15 years? This thing will not even be under construction for 15 years.
    In the meantime, Liberal insiders and sleazebags will be stuffing their pockets with the tax dollars of Canadian electricians. Already, 13 vice-presidents have received $2.3 million in bonuses for a train that will not even be under construction for over a decade. If it ever comes under construction, it will cost $8,000 a family.
    Why does he always plunder the pockets of workers to help the Liberal insider elites?
    We should be careful of the words we use if we want to maintain the kind of decorum that Canadians expect from us.
     Mr. Speaker, the core difference between the people on this side of the House and the Leader of the Opposition and the people who read his questions is that we believe Canadians can do it. We believe Canadians can create a project that will add 51,000 jobs to our economy, including thousands of electricians. We believe we can add billions to our national economy with a transformative high-speed rail project. This includes, by the way, one that is going to be proposed in Alberta.
     We believe in the future of this country. He does not.
    Mr. Speaker, apparently they do not believe in their Prime Minister's ability to answer questions and defend his own economic record.
    We believe Canadians could do a lot of things, too, if the government would just get out of the way.

[Translation]

    Unfortunately, the Office of the Superintendent of Bankruptcy found new evidence that the Liberal recession, the only recession in the G20, is affecting Canadians. There has been an 8% increase in consumer insolvencies and a 10% increase in bankruptcies.
    This Liberal government's policies are forcing Canadians into bankruptcy. Will the Liberals reverse the costly deficit policies that caused this recession?
    Mr. Speaker, I know it is Tuesday and the Leader of the Opposition is looking for some good news. I have some for him. As the Prime Minister announced, the Canadian economy created over 80,000 jobs. We have the second-fastest growth in the G7 and we are attracting record investments in Canada. We believe in Canadian workers and Canadian industry.
    We believe in a prosperous Canada, and every day is a good day to fight for Canadian workers.
(1435)
    Mr. Speaker, apparently, he does not believe in the Prime Minister's ability to answer questions. The Minister of Finance has spent the last 10 years announcing the worst growth results. Now he is telling falsehoods. He says that Canada's growth puts it in second place. Under this Prime Minister, Canada is in last place. It is the only G7 or G20 country that is bankrupt. Today, Equifax Canada reported a 39% drop in the number of new companies.
    When is the government going to get out of the way and end this recession?
     Mr. Speaker, I will take no lessons from the Conservative leader. The only job he has had in the past 10 years is being here, in the House. Canadians know that we, on this side of the House, are building a resilient economy, a more prosperous economy, the strongest economy in the G7.
    Even the International Monetary Fund recently said that Canada is in the strongest position fiscally. On this side of the House, we believe in Canadians. We believe in Canada's destiny, and we will fight every day to build a more prosperous Canada for all Canadians.
    Mr. Speaker, why can the Prime Minister not even defend his economic record? Perhaps it is because Equifax Canada also reported today that the national 60-plus-day delinquency rate for financial trades has risen by 11%.
    Under the Prime Minister's leadership, the bankruptcy rate is higher than it has been in 15 years. Not only are we the only G20 country in a recession, but Canadians are declaring bankruptcy.
    Will the Prime Minister reverse the costly Liberal policies that are causing these bankruptcies?
    Mr. Speaker, to hear the Leader of the Opposition talk, it seems like he takes pleasure in the prospect of bad news. The reality is that there is plenty of good news. I am going to give him some.
    There are 200 new jobs at Tenaris in Sault Ste. Marie. We have just secured more than 300 jobs at Kruger in Trois-Rivières. We have also just secured 240 jobs at Kap Paper in northern Ontario. We have ensured that 400 new jobs will be created at Siemens Canada. The agreement we just signed with Saab and Bombardier for the GlobalEye represents 3,000 new jobs.
    I could keep going.

[English]

     Mr. Speaker, my question was for the Prime Minister. It is no wonder that he cannot stand up and answer. He has been wrong on every economic issue of the last decade. He was wrong on carbon taxes, wrong to say he wanted to keep half of our oil and gas in the ground, wrong to oppose pipelines and wrong to push money-printing deficits, which caused inflation. Now he is wrong again.
     Only he, out of the G7 countries' leaders, has caused a recession. Just the other day, I met a hairstylist in the ByWard Market who does not know how she is going to pay her rent, because wages are flat and costs are rising. Will the Prime Minister stand up and explain to her why he is the only leader in the G7 to have caused a recession?
     Mr. Speaker, we have great news. In May, there were 88,000 new jobs, led by jobs for young people. Young people are getting new jobs, and so are women across the country. We have other projects I can cite, and I am convinced that the Leader of the Opposition will rejoice. There are 300 new jobs with Hitachi in Varennes, Quebec. With Alstom, there are new jobs in Saint-Bruno-de-Montarville. There are also new jobs in Vancouver at Providence Health Care, 768 new jobs for that project. At Hanon Systems in Vaughan, there are 300 new jobs. I have dozens of examples like that.

[Translation]

Oil and Gas Industry

    Mr. Speaker, one week after 300 mayors, civil society is now speaking out against the Liberals' pro-oil stance. One hundred and twenty-two environmental groups, including 49 from Quebec, signed a letter today. They are here with a clear message: no new pipelines. They are saying no to any project that threatens the climate, endangered species, indigenous relations or the sovereignty of governments. It would be a betrayal of all Canadians who still believe in the fight against climate change.
    Will the Prime Minister end his pro-oil and gas stance?
(1440)
    Mr. Speaker, my colleague is asking us a really important question. I commend all the activists who, like us, are fighting for clean air and clean water.
    However, it is also fundamental for us to be an autonomous economic power. That is why we are working on several fronts at once. We will work to meet our 2050 climate commitments. The methane regulations, the electrification strategy and the nature action plan are all strategies to get there. What we are going to do is produce cleaner and cleaner energy.
    Mr. Speaker, regarding the agreement with Alberta for a new pipeline, environmental groups are pointing out that we have seen this movie before. It is called “Trans Mountain”. Taxpayers paid nearly $40 billion for a new pipeline to transport dirty oil. In return, the oil sector made absolutely zero effort to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions. They actually rose sharply. Canada basically became an oil developer at Quebeckers' expense. The film was a flop.
    Will the Prime Minister finally acknowledge that we do not want to see that movie ever again?
    Mr. Speaker, the Bloc Québécois is only capable of saying no, and it certainly cannot walk and chew gum at the same time.
    We can fight climate change while protecting our economy and developing our natural resources. That is what we are doing here in Canada, and we are doing so responsibly.

The Economy

    Mr. Speaker, last week we met with businesses across Quebec. The picture is the same everywhere: The uncertainties surrounding CUSMA and the U.S. tariffs under section 232 are increasing the financial pressure on our manufacturers and hampering investment. Business owners tell us they are putting expansion plans on hold, delaying equipment purchases and hesitating to invest in their growth. That is the reality on the ground, while Canada is the only G7 country in recession.
    Does the Prime Minister understand that Quebeckers are the ones now paying the price for his inability to restore confidence in our economy?
    Mr. Speaker, we are working with the Government of Quebec to help companies in Quebec and across the country that are affected by tariffs. That is why we recently announced $1.5 billion to support businesses in the steel and aluminum sectors that were affected by the White House's new tariffs. At the same time, my colleague responsible for natural resources has just announced more funding for the forest products industry.
    We are in the midst of a ruthless tariff war, and we will protect our workers and our businesses.
    Mr. Speaker, what the government has to understand is that businesses have told us that they are waiting. They are waiting to invest, they are waiting to expand their facilities and they are waiting to take risks. Is that the government's idea of good economic conditions: a climate of uncertainty that is paralyzing private investment at a time when Canada is in a recession?
    Is the Prime Minister proud of having created an economic climate where business owners are choosing to wait or to invest outside Canada?
    Mr. Speaker, as everyone knows, we are facing illegal and unjustified tariffs from the Americans. However, on this side of the House, we will always support our businesses and workers.
    We will support them by investing in their ability to innovate, to produce and to diversify their markets. It should be noted that Canada's non-U.S. exports have increased by 40% year over year. We will also support them by building major projects. For example, the Quebec City tramway project will generate $10.5 billion in economic spinoffs and create 77,000 direct and indirect jobs. I cannot fathom why the Conservatives are against that.

Steel and Aluminum Industry

    Mr. Speaker, over the past few days, we have met with dozens of businesses across Quebec regarding the CUSMA review.
    The situation is clear: This Liberal government has completely abandoned businesses in the steel industry. The United States is protecting its steel market with tariffs of up to 100% on Asian imports. What are the Liberals doing here in Canada? They are doing nothing at all. Worse still, they are letting Asian countries dump their steel products here and flood our Canadian market.
    Will this Liberal government put its foot down and defend the Canadian steel industry?
(1445)
    Mr. Speaker, it is funny to be sitting here listening to the Conservatives talk about SMEs when they are against the high-speed rail project that will create thousands of jobs in SMEs across Quebec. It is funny to hear them talk about steel when we are planning a project that is incredibly promising for steel producers. It is mind-boggling to hear the Conservatives taking a stand against a transformative project that will improve mobility, connect the four biggest cities in Quebec and create thousands of jobs for our SMEs.
    It is quite ironic that they are standing up to talk about what our SMEs are experiencing.
     Mr. Speaker, there is nothing funny about it.
    As I said, the Liberals are allowing Asian countries to dump their steel here. Garaga, a company in the Beauce region, sent emails to the Liberal government with evidence that non-compliant garage doors from Asia containing toxic substances banned in Canada are entering the country. What have the Liberals done about it? They have not done a thing yet. They are letting them come in. Garaga just has to fend for itself. After a decade of failures, the only thing this Liberal government has managed to do is put Canadians in debt and hurt our businesses.
    Will the Liberals wake up and take care of our people?
     Mr. Speaker, we are taking care of our people. That is why Quebeckers and Canadians trust us.
    The Prime Minister, the Minister of Finance, the Minister responsible for Canada-U.S. Trade and I work every day to protect people in the steel sector. Among other things, we have protected the steel sector by preventing all forms of dumping.
    If my colleague wishes to raise a particular issue, we are ready to work with him and with all steel producers in Canada because we have to protect our factories and steel mills. At the same time, we are providing funding to help our workers and our businesses.

International Trade

    Mr. Speaker, last week, along with my colleagues, I had the privilege of meeting with some of the largest companies in my riding. They all told me the same thing: they are feeling the impact of the U.S. tariffs, economic uncertainty, the current recession and labour shortages. Most concerning is that several of them told us they have never been consulted by the Liberal government on the future of CUSMA, despite the direct impact on their workers and investments.
    Why do the Liberals keep making decisions that affect our businesses without taking the time to listen to them?
    Mr. Speaker, on the contrary, we are deeply involved at every level with Canadian companies, with representatives of Canadian workers, and with our colleagues in the provinces and territories. We hold regular, weekly consultations and round tables with various sectors of the economy. We will be holding them next week. We held them this week. We held them last week. We are very involved and very active because it is important for us to listen closely to the very people our colleague is talking about.

[English]

Diversity and Inclusion

    Mr. Speaker, happy Pride. Today the Prime Minister and parliamentarians gathered on Parliament Hill to raise the Pride flag and mark the beginning of Pride season in Canada. Pride is more than a celebration. It is a reminder that the rights and freedoms of 2SLGBTQIA+ Canadians cannot be taken for granted. At a time when hate is on the rise and when some voices in the House continue to question the full inclusion of 2SLGBTQIA+ people, Canadians expect leadership to stand firmly on the side of equality, dignity and human rights.
    Can the Minister of Women and Gender Equality tell the House how our government will continue to protect the safety, dignity and full inclusion of 2SLGBTQIA+ Canadians?
     Mr. Speaker, I thank my hon. colleague for his incredible advocacy. Canada is at its best when everyone can fully participate in society, free from fear, discrimination and hate.
    As we mark the beginning of Pride season, we reaffirm our commitment to ensuring that we are protecting the Charter of Rights and Freedoms for all Canadians, regardless of who they are or whom they love. Through budget 2025, we have committed $54.6 million over five years to strengthen 2SLGBTQIA+ organizations across Canada, including $7.5 million to keep Pride festivals safe.
    Happy Pride season.

The Economy

    Mr. Speaker, every other G20 nation is facing the same global headwinds as Canada is, yet under the Liberal Prime Minister, Canada is the only G20 nation facing a recession. In the last few days, we have learned even more about the dire state of our economy under his watch. The economy has shrunk in three of the last four quarters, per capita GDP is stagnating, and our productivity has hit a seven-year low.
    Will the Prime Minister admit that his failed policies have caused this recession, or will he keep denying the reality lived by millions of Canadians who are suffering under his watch?
(1450)
     Mr. Speaker, Canadians are going to take no advice from a leader who has never worked a minute in the economy. He has no practical experience.
    Those of us who have actually worked in the economy, when we are faced with challenges, have a choice. We can be like the Conservative leader, flail our hands, offer no solutions and blame everybody else, or we can lead. We can make decisions. We can lay a strong foundation for a future strong economy.
     The Conservative leader has no experience. Our Prime Minister is going to build the strongest economy in the G7.
     Mr. Speaker, Canadians cannot trust the half-truths or honeyed words coming off the lips of any of the Liberals right now. The Parliamentary Budget Officer gives a less than 1% chance that the Liberal government will meet its own fiscal anchor. Banks forecast growth of 0.5% in 2026.
    Will the Prime Minister take responsibility for delivering Canada's last-place economy, or will he keep borrowing and keep spending so he can take credit for our economic collapse?
     Mr. Speaker, if the leader actually worked in the economy and sat in front of a board of directors, blaming everybody and offering no solutions, he would be fired. Actually, he already was fired, by the former riding of Carleton.
    On this side of the House, we are focused on building a strong economy. Canada just created 88,000 jobs last month. The fundamentals of our economy are strong. We are focused on building the strongest economy in the G7. The Conservative leader offers nothing but empty parking lot press conferences, rhetoric and slogans.
    Mr. Speaker, under the Liberal Prime Minister, Canada is the only G20 country that is in a recession. In the past few days, we have learned much more about how dire the state of our economy is under his watch. Here are the facts. The economy has shrunk in two of the last three quarters and in three of the last four. Two major banks, BMO and Scotiabank, both forecast that Canada's economy will grow less than half as much as America's. Our per capita GDP is lower than it was three years ago. Our economic picture after a decade of Liberal rule is getting worse by the day.
    Will the Prime Minister do his job, stand up and tell Canadians why he has led Canada into a recession?
     Mr. Speaker, here are the facts. We added 88,000 jobs last month. Unemployment is down. Foreign direct investment is up at the highest it has been in 20 years, the highest in the G7. We have dropped our fuel excise tax by 10¢ a litre. We increased capital gains eligibility. We have cut taxes for 22 million Canadians. We are making massive investments in housing, infrastructure and defence, and now the trade surplus is up.
    The member has to get his facts straight.
    Mr. Speaker, in spite of everything the minister just said, Canada is still in a recession. However, we already know that the Prime Minister cannot do his job, because Canada is the only country in the G20 that is in a recession. After a decade of Liberal rule, businesses are not investing. Capital investment has fallen for the fifth quarter in a row. The government's new Parliamentary Budget Officer has just reported that there is only a 1% chance that the government will meet its fiscal anchor.
     The Prime Minister claims he is a crisis manager and a master economist. If he truly is, could he stand in the House and tell Canadians why he has led Canada into a recession?
    Mr. Speaker, here is where we have led Canadians on the defence side alone: joint support ships, 3,500 jobs; Arctic and offshore patrol ships, 2,300 jobs; fixed-wing search and rescue, 1,800 jobs; remotely piloted aircraft system, 700 jobs; River class destroyers, 5,250 jobs; logistics vehicle modernization, 1,900 jobs; armoured combat support vehicles, 1,650 jobs. There are tens of thousands of jobs in the defence sector alone.
     Get on board. Stop running the country down. Help us build it.
(1455)
    I remind members to speak through the Chair.
    The hon. member for Saskatoon South.
    Mr. Speaker, under this Liberal Prime Minister, Canada is the only G20 country in recession. The economy has shrunk three of the last four quarters. The Liberals are already borrowing over their projected $65 billion. The Parliamentary Budget Officer projects borrowing now to climb to $72 billion.
     Will the Prime Minister tell Canadians if they are in a recession or are they only technically doing worse after a decade of Liberal rule?
    Mr. Speaker, there is a decade of 14 Saskatchewan Conservatives doing absolutely nothing to further Saskatchewan's interests.
    On this side of the House, we are building an economy. We are proud of the entrepreneurs who created 88,000 new jobs. We are grateful for the investors. We are pleased to see the producers add to that strength: Saskatchewan canola, Canada's uranium, potash, oil and gas.
    We are not sitting on our hands—
     The hon. member for Mission—Matsqui—Abbotsford.

Employment

    Mr. Speaker, on this side of the House of Commons, we believe in the incredible potential of Canadian youth, yet the Bank of Canada says the surge in temporary foreign workers is driving down wages and making it harder for young Canadians to find jobs. The youth unemployment rate sits at over 14%.
     While Conservatives would prioritize jobs for Canadian youth, the Liberals are still flooding the labour market with temporary foreign workers when young Canadians cannot find work. Why?
     Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague from the other side for the question specifically about youth jobs and youth employment.
    Youth employment rose by 22,000 jobs in May. Youth unemployment fell by 0.9%, the first decline since January. That means we have more work to do, which is why we have announced a $6‑billion investment in our team “Canada Strong” plan, mobilizing skilled trades for the workforce. It builds on youth-focused employment programs, like the Canada summer jobs. Youth in British Columbia see the opportunities ahead.
     Mr. Speaker, young Canadians do appreciate the Canada summer jobs, but it does not omit the fact that this government let in over 170,000 foreign workers in the last four quarters. These programs were meant to be temporary, but under this government, they have become permanent and unchecked. The Globe and Mail calls it an “enduring problem” created by Ottawa's overreliance on foreign workers.
     Why has this government let the temporary foreign worker program spiral out of control, and when will it finally rein it in?
     Mr. Speaker, I think there is a balance to be struck, and we are striking that balance between labour needs and the temporary foreign worker program.

[Translation]

    I would simply urge my colleague to repeat his question in French, because what I am hearing from his Quebec colleagues is that more temporary foreign workers are needed. That balance is being struck specifically in rural areas and in Quebec to meet labour needs across the country.

[English]

    Mr. Speaker, I would like that minister to tell Ethan Miranda, a young unemployed tech worker who poured his heart out to the immigration committee because he put out 500 résumés, is highly educated, yet did not get a single call back, that we need more temporary foreign workers. Conservatives would abolish the temporary foreign worker program and replace it with a targeted program for genuinely hard-to-fill agricultural jobs, and match unemployed Canadians to regions with severe labour shortages.
    Why will the Liberals not follow suit?
(1500)
     Mr. Speaker, I thought what my hon. colleague was pointing out was the utter abject hypocrisy coming from that side of the House. We receive multiple interventions, legitimate interventions, on the part of small and medium-sized businesses in rural Quebec that seek to have more temporary foreign workers. The words of that member and another colleague from British Columbia try to demagogue this issue and blame situations on temporary foreign workers. These guys are going to have to come to some form of agreement on temporary foreign workers.
    Mr. Speaker, yes, there are regions in Canada with ultralow unemployment. However, in major urban centres across the country, unemployment is out of control. There are over 400,000 young Canadians who are out of work. Instead of flooding the labour market with more temporary foreign workers, the government should be trying to match available Canadians with those jobs. This is where the policy discussion should be, not with the interests of lobbyists.
    Why will the government not abolish the TFW program and match available Canadians with available jobs?
     Mr. Speaker, the number of temporary foreign workers in this country is down by over 50%. That does not mean we have reached equilibrium. There are legitimate issues in rural and other parts of this country, including in small businesses in rural Quebec, and members from that side of the House quite accurately reflect it.

[Translation]

    I thought we had put a stop to the highly duplicitous practice of saying one thing in English and something else in French in the House 20 years ago.
    We are fed up with the hypocrisy.

[English]

Public Safety

     Mr. Speaker, with a background in public safety projects, I recognize that cyber-threats pose a growing risk to Canadians, and our government is confronting this challenge head-on. Last week, Bill C-8, the act respecting cybersecurity, passed third reading in the Senate and is now awaiting royal assent. This legislation will ensure critical infrastructure operators can prepare for, prevent and respond to cyber-incidents.
    Could the Minister of Public Safety explain what this means for the safety and security of Canadians and critical infrastructure in key sectors such as finance, telecommunications, energy and transportation?
     Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank my colleague from Oakville West for her advocacy.
    Canadians must have confidence in the integrity and security of the products and services they use each and every day. This is why we are taking the necessary steps to protect Canadians, our critical infrastructure and our economy through Bill C-8. This piece of legislation will help critical infrastructure operators better prepare for, prevent and respond to cyber-incidents that threaten Canadian interests. We will continue to modernize Canada's security tools while safeguarding privacy and keeping Canadians safe.
     Mr. Speaker, the Liberal government's open borders policy has let 700 IRGC regime-linked terrorists into Canada. On May 28, the failed Liberal immigration minister told the House that 17,800 applications have been reviewed for potential inadmissibility, but after all these reviews, what Canadians got was a handful of visas cancelled, some CBSA investigations under way and only one person deported. Canadians of Iranian heritage in Richmond Hill and across the country no longer feel safe in their own communities.
    How can the Liberals say they are protecting Canadians when they keep letting the terrorists roam freely here at home?
    Mr. Speaker, let us get the facts straight. I answered four hours of questions in committee of the whole for all Canadians to hear. I was very clear in my response that IRGC officials are inadmissible to Canada and have no place in our country.
    Some hon. members: Oh, oh!
    Hon. Lena Metlege Diab: I am not sure if the opposition wants to hear the response, because all I hear is heckling.
    Yes, there are some loud voices on this side.
    Please keep the voice level down.
    The hon. minister may continue.
    Mr. Speaker, it was this government that put the ban on. The ban continues. We will continue to protect Canadians.
(1505)
     Mr. Speaker, the government granted a visa to a former IRGC commander who arrived at Toronto Pearson airport on April 28 to attend the FIFA World Cup. The government also failed to deport an Iranian regime supporter who has been convicted of sanctions violations and has been here so long that he is suing the government. The government has said for a year that dozens of senior Iranian officials are here, but exactly one has been deported, as was previously mentioned.
    When will the government treat foreign interference threats seriously and protect our Persian community?
     Mr. Speaker, the safety and security of all Canadians is critically important to this government. That is why we are taking decisive action to ensure security at the border, including ensuring that those who are inadmissible to Canada are not allowed in.
    If the Conservative Party wants to talk seriously about crime and law enforcement, they need to get serious on Bill C-22, which is a lawful access act before the House. Instead of stonewalling and dragging their feet on critically important legislation, they should support it today so that we can get this through the House before we rise.
    Mr. Speaker, those ministers must know that if someone is inadmissible, they are not allowed into the country. The Minister of Immigration admitted to the House that her government let people with ties to the IRGC into this country and she admitted that thousands of visas have been or needed to be reviewed since the beginning of this year, but she will not admit how many people with ties to the IRGC are actually here.
     Can the minister stand up now, from her seat, and finally tell the House if more than one IRGC agent has been deported from this country?
    Mr. Speaker, let us try this again. As we have repeatedly said, IRGC officials are inadmissible to Canada. They are not being admitted. There is a ban; that ban continues to be in place. Any senior officials who have served in the Iranian regime since June 2003 onward are not admissible to Canada.

[Translation]

The Economy

    Mr. Speaker, in the face of unprecedented volatility, Canadians want both a long-term plan for economic growth and immediate action to help them with the rising cost of living. Our new government offers both.
    Last week, more than 12 million Canadians began receiving the enhanced Canada groceries and essentials benefit. This one‑time payment, combined with future payments, will allow a family of four to receive up to $1,890 per year. This is just one of the ways in which we are improving affordability for Canadians.
    Could the Minister of Finance tell us about the other measures that we have taken to improve affordability?
    Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my colleague for his leadership and for his excellent question.
    He has contributed to highlighting the good news that we received last week.
    With the Prime Minister, we are building the most resilient economy in the G7. While we are seeing strong growth in the Canadian economy, we are also keenly aware that the issue that matters to Canadians is affordability.
    We know that we need to take action on housing, groceries and gas prices. Last week, 12 million Canadians received additional support to deal with the rising cost of groceries. All Canadians watching at home know that, on this side of the House, we will always be there for them.

[English]

Agriculture and Agri-Food

    Mr. Speaker, I heard from several farmers and local media that test plots at Canada's only federal organic research station at Swift Current were ploughed under and receded, destroying years of valuable research. The minister will probably stand up and say, “this is just a usual organics process” and “ignore the data loss,” but really, this is the Liberals' weak attempt at responding to the massive push-back from farmers and industry.
    The Liberal agriculture minister said that shutting federal research centres was worthwhile, but organic farming in Canada is an $11-billion industry and growing.
    Does the minister really want his legacy to be destroying organic research in Canada?
    Mr. Speaker, I think the hon. member across the way knows exactly what took place at the research station relevant to the organic growth. They are plowing the fields and working the land, as they do every other year, and they will continue to do that.
    Research is important in this country. We have been doing it for 140 years. We have over 17 stations that will remain open, and we will continue to grow our research in Canada.
(1510)

[Translation]

International Trade

    Mr. Speaker, Donald Trump is imposing tariffs on countries that are not doing enough to address forced labour in their imports. Although that is an excuse, the fact remains that Canada is like a sieve; it has hardly made any seizures at the border.
    Last fall, I introduced Bill C‑251, which would require importers to prove that products from certain regions are not made with forced labour or child labour.
    Now that the Prime Minister is finally saying he wants to do more to address forced labour, will he get my bill passed at all stages?

[English]

    Mr. Speaker, Canada has some of the most vigorous and rigorous forced labour laws in the world, and it has been clear that we condemn forced labour everywhere and anywhere it exists. Every good that comes into this country is subject to rigorous import controls and screening. After a decade of neglect, we are rebuilding the CBSA to ensure we have enforcement. We will continue to do that work. We will protect Canada's interests this day and tomorrow.

Health

    Mr. Speaker, division 8 of Bill C-30, with only three hours of debate in this place before time allocation, represents the single largest rollback of health and environmental protection in the regulation of pesticides in the history of this country.
    I ask the government, I ask the Prime Minister, where did the pressure come from for this rollback? I am reliably informed that even industry did not ask for it. Why is the government doing this to our environment and our health?

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, as I said yesterday, the priority of the Canadian government and the Department of Health is to protect the health and safety of Canadians.
    However, I repeat, we can walk and chew gum at the same time. We are also dealing with the agricultural sector, with which we are working closely.
    That said, we will always take steps to protect the health of Canadians as we develop our economy and food sovereignty.

[English]

Presence in Gallery

     I would like to draw the attention of members to the presence in the gallery of the Hon. Michael Tibollo, Associate Attorney General of the Province of Ontario.
    Some hon. members: Hear, hear!
    The hon. member for Okanagan Lake West—South Kelowna is rising on a point of order.
    Mr. Speaker, I will just take a moment of time. I am not bringing this up for any other reason than that I am concerned about this place and one of your rulings. I have seen on a number of occasions now that you have cancelled one of the leader of the official opposition's questions because he did not put a question in it.
    It is question period. There are supposed to be questions.
    The hon. member can take a bit more time, but we have to go to a vote.
    Mr. Speaker, I care about this place, and I hope you do too and that you can listen to what I have to say. If you are going to be cutting someone off because they did not put an inflection at the end of a question or they did not deliver a question properly, if you do that to the leader of the official opposition, it could happen to any of us in this place on the opposition side.
    When previous Speakers have not chosen to regulate the quality of answers from the Prime Minister and the government, why—
    The hon. member should know that the rules do not allow the Speaker to require an answer but that questions can sometimes be out of order.

Government Orders

[Government Orders]

[English]

Extension of Sitting Hours

    The House resumed from June 8 consideration of the motion.
    It being 3:14 p.m., the House will now proceed to the taking of the deferred recorded division on the motion to extend the sitting hours of the House.
    Call in the members.
(1545)
    (The House divided on the motion, which was agreed to on the following division:)

(Division No. 143)

YEAS

Members

Aboultaif
Acan
Aitchison
Al Soud
Albas
Ali
Allison
Alty
Anandasangaree
Anderson
Anstey
Arnold
Au
Auguste
Baber
Bailey
Bains
Baker
Baldinelli
Bardeesy
Barlow
Barrett
Barsalou-Duval
Battiste
Beaulieu
Beech
Begum
Belanger (Desnethé—Missinippi—Churchill River)
Bélanger (Sudbury East—Manitoulin—Nickel Belt)
Bendayan
Berthold
Bexte
Bezan
Bittle
Blanchet
Blanchette-Joncas
Block
Blois
Bonin
Bonk
Borrelli
Boulerice
Bragdon
Brassard
Brière
Brock
Brunelle-Duceppe
Calkins
Caputo
Carney
Carr
Casey
Chagger
Chambers
Champagne
Champoux
Chang
Chartrand
Chatel
Chen
Chenette
Chi
Chong
Clark
Cobena
Cody
Connors
Cooper
Cormier
Coteau
Dalton
Dandurand
Danko
Davidson
Davies (Vancouver Kingsway)
Davies (Niagara South)
Dawson
DeBellefeuille
Deltell
d'Entremont
DeRidder
Deschênes
Deschênes-Thériault
Desrochers
Dhaliwal
Dhillon
Diab
Diotte
Doherty
Dowdall
Duclos
Duguid
Duncan
Dzerowicz
Earle
Ehsassi
El-Khoury
Erskine-Smith
Eyolfson
Falk (Battlefords—Lloydminster—Meadow Lake)
Falk (Provencher)
Fancy
Fanjoy
Fergus
Fisher
Fonseca
Fortier
Fortin
Fragiskatos
Fraser
Fry
Fuhr
Gaheer
Gainey
Gallant
Garon
Gasparro
Gaudreau
Gazan
Généreux
Genuis
Gerretsen
Gill (Calgary Skyview)
Gill (Brampton West)
Gill (Calgary McKnight)
Gill (Windsor West)
Gill (Côte-Nord—Kawawachikamach—Nitassinan)
Gill (Abbotsford—South Langley)
Gladu
Godin
Goodridge
Gould
Grant
Greaves
Groleau
Guay
Guglielmin
Guilbeault
Gull-Masty
Gunn
Hallan
Hanley
Hardy
Harrison
Hepfner
Hirtle
Ho
Hoback
Hodgson
Holman
Housefather
Hussen
Iacono
Idlout
Jackson
Jaczek
Jansen
Jeneroux
Jivani
Johns
Joly
Joseph
Kayabaga
Kelloway
Kelly
Khalid
Khanna
Kibble
Kirkland
Klassen
Kmiec
Konanz
Koutrakis
Kram
Kramp-Neuman
Kronis
Kuruc
Kusie
Kwan
Lake
Lalonde
Lambropoulos
Lamoureux
Lantsman
Lapointe (Rivière-des-Mille-Îles)
Lapointe (Sudbury)
Larouche
Lattanzio
Lauzon
Lavack
Lavoie
Lawrence
Lawton
LeBlanc
Lefebvre
Leitão
Lemire
Leslie
Lewis (Haldimand—Norfolk)
Lightbound
Lloyd
Lobb
Long
Louis (Kitchener—Conestoga)
Ma
MacDonald (Malpeque)
MacDonald (Cardigan)
MacKinnon (Gatineau)
Mahal
Majumdar
Malette (Bay of Quinte)
Malette (Kapuskasing—Timmins—Mushkegowuk)
Maloney
Mantle
Martel
Martin
May
Mazier
McCauley
McGuinty
McKelvie
McKenzie
McKinnon (Coquitlam—Port Coquitlam)
McKnight
McLean (Calgary Centre)
McLean (Esquimalt—Saanich—Sooke)
Melillo
Ménard
Mendès
Menegakis
Michel
Miedema
Miller
Mingarelli
Moore
Morin
Morrison
Morrissey
Motz
Muys
Myles
Naqvi
Nater
Nathan
Nguyen
Noormohamed
Normandin
Ntumba
Oliphant
Olszewski
O'Rourke
Osborne
Patzer
Paul-Hus
Perron
Petitpas Taylor
Poilievre
Powlowski
Provost
Ramsay
Rana
Redekopp
Reid
Rempel Garner
Richards
Roberts
Robertson
Rochefort
Romanado
Rood
Ross
Rowe
Royer
Ruff
Sahota
Saini
Sarai
Sari
Sawatzky
Scheer
Schiefke
Schmale
Seeback
Sgro
Sheehan
Shipley
Sidhu (Brampton East)
Sidhu (Brampton South)
Simard
Small
Sodhi
Solomon
Sousa
Steinley
Ste-Marie
Stevenson
St-Pierre
Strahl
Strauss
Sudds
Tesser Derksen
Thompson
Tochor
Tolmie
Turnbull
Uppal
Valdez
van Koeverden
Van Popta
Vandenbeld
Vien
Viersen
Villeneuve
Vis
Wagantall
Warkentin
Watchorn
Waugh
Weiler
Wilkinson
Williamson
Yip
Zahid
Zimmer
Zuberi

Total: -- 325


NAYS

Members

Savard-Tremblay

Total: -- 1


PAIRED

Members

Anand
Church
Dabrusin
Dancho
Epp
Hajdu
Hogan
Plamondon
Reynolds
Stubbs
Thériault
Zerucelli

Total: -- 12


    I declare the motion carried.

[Translation]

Privilege

Remarks by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Industry—Speaker's Ruling

[Speaker's Ruling]

    I am now ready to rule on the question of privilege raised on June 1, 2026, by the member for Louis-Saint-Laurent—Akiawenhrahk concerning remarks made by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Industry during Oral Questions on Friday, May 29, 2026.
    The member contended that data released by Statistics Canada showed that the GDP had contracted for two consecutive quarters, which, in his view, met the generally accepted definition of a recession by economists. He further argued that, given his professional background in economics and finance, the parliamentary secretary knew his responses were incorrect. Finally, the context of the exchange led him to believe the parliamentary secretary intended to mislead the House. For these reasons, the member submitted that the three-part test required to establish that a matter constituted a prima facie case of privilege had been met.

[English]

    The Parliamentary Secretary to the Leader of the Government in the House countered that at no time did his colleague mislead the House. According to him, there was a difference of opinion and the matter therefore constitutes a dispute as to the facts. Citing rulings by previous Speakers, he noted that it is not up to the Chair to pass judgment on the accuracy of statements made in the House for matters that involve interpretations of perspectives.
    The member for Louis-Saint-Laurent—Akiawenhrahk, in his submission, referred to the criteria to establish whether a member has intentionally misled the House. The three conditions are elaborated upon in section 3.16 of the fourth edition of House of Commons Procedure and Practice, namely that a statement was misleading, that the member making it knew it was incorrect and made it with the intention to mislead. It is important to remember that the threshold for establishing whether a member intended to mislead the House is very high.

[Translation]

    To this end, Speaker Parent stated succinctly in a ruling on October 19, 2000, at page 9247 of the Debates of the House of Commons:
    While members may disagree with the way in which others view a situation, at times disagree very strongly, that is a different matter than the serious charge that such an interpretation is knowingly and wilfully false. Only on the strongest and clearest evidence can the House or the Speaker take steps to deal with cases of attempts to mislead members.
    As such, in these situations, the Chair is limited to considering only evidence before the House. In the matter before us, the Chair is being indirectly asked to determine that one interpretation of economic data is correct and that any other interpretation could only be made with the intention of misleading the House. The Chair will not get involved in this kind of debate.

[English]

    While the member for Louis-Saint-Laurent—Akiawenhrahk may fundamentally disagree with the responses he received from the parliamentary secretary to his questions, the Chair does not feel the matter satisfies the criteria for intentionally misleading the House and can only conclude that this is a dispute as to the facts, that is, of interpretation.
    Accordingly, I find the matter does not constitute a prima facie question of privilege.

[Translation]

    To conclude, allow me to quote from a ruling made by Speaker Milliken, on December 6, 2004, found at page 2319 of the Debates of the House of Commons. He said, “Disagreements about facts and how the facts should be interpreted form the basis of debate in this place.”
    I thank all members for their attention.
(1550)

[English]

Build Canada Homes Act

[Government Orders]

     The House resumed consideration of the motion that Bill C-20, An Act respecting the establishment of Build Canada Homes, be read the third time and passed.
    Mr. Speaker, it is always a pleasure to rise and share some thoughts on important issues that Canadians have to face, and hopefully give an explanation as to where I am coming from and why it is very important that the Government of Canada continues to push forward on building opportunities to see more people being able to afford homes and ultimately more homes being built here in Canada.
     A number of years ago, when I was first elected to the Manitoba legislature, my first responsibility was tied to being the critic for housing and the deputy party whip at the time. It was something that I appreciated being a part of, because it gave me a very good understanding of the housing industry back then. I have never lost interest, and in fact I have had many debates over the years on the issue of housing. When I came to Ottawa, I continued to have discussions and debates on the important issue of housing.
     From the very beginning, I have always recognized that the national government does, and should, have a role to play in housing in Canada. This has been an issue for a period of time. The minister made reference earlier, in response to a heckle and comments that were coming from the opposition benches, to the fact that the issue we have before us today is not something that just came out of the blue. What we have is an issue that has been there and has taken more than a generation to get to this point.
    There was a time, in the early 1990s, even going into the 1980s, when governments of different political persuasions and levels were talking about the national government withdrawing from housing responsibility. In part, we are realizing why the national government needs to not only be engaged but demonstrate leadership on this critically important file. When we think of housing, it affects all of our communities. Not only does it impact homeowners and future homeowners, but it affects the community. Whether it is about growth or, in some cases, infill housing projects, it could have a very negative impact if the national government is not directly involved.
     I have seen that involvement in a very real and tangible way. Let us take a look, for example, at what Habitat for Humanity Canada does in our communities. I represent a riding that has likely benefited the most, or is one of the top five or 10 ridings that have benefited the most, through Habitat for Humanity making housing affordable. In Winnipeg North, I would estimate that well over 100 homes, which is 100 families, have benefited from one incredible non-profit organization, just focused in one federal riding. Everywhere, from the Point Douglas area to Shaughnessy Park, The Maples and into the suburbs, Habitat for Humanity has helped build homes that individuals living in them otherwise would not be able to afford. It has made homes affordable.
     Today we have a government that recognizes that and supports Habitat for Humanity. I would hope that this support continues into the future. I think of revitalization programs from the past where governments were working together to establish a pool of money so they could refurbish housing stock, and in some situations, such as the promotion of housing co-ops, see co-ops being built.
(1555)
    Before I was a parliamentarian, I used to be involved in the Weston Residents Housing Cooperative, and we were able to build affordable housing. We very much needed the support of government. At that time, it was the provincial government that provided the support, but today we have not seen much in terms of the expansion of housing co-ops.
    However, under this Prime Minister and this administration, the Build Canada Homes act would, once again, provide support for housing co-ops. Housing co-ops play a very important role. Again, looking at Winnipeg North, I think of Willow Park, arguably the oldest and most established housing co-op in Canada, possibly even in North America. That community has benefited because of direct government involvement.
    Direct government involvement takes many different forms. I referred to housing co-ops. I can talk about infill housing, directly or indirectly, but I would also suggest non-profit housing built by government. Back in the day, maybe 25 years ago, I would see affordable government-built homes, and tenants living in those homes were paying less than 30% of their annual income, no matter what their annual income was. Affordable homes are built because there are many generational issues at times. Individuals find it difficult for a wide spectrum of reasons and are very dependent on government-built homes.
    Many organizations in Winnipeg North, from the Ukrainian community, the German community or the Polish community, have built homes. When I say “homes”, I am referring to apartment blocks. The Canadian Polish Manor has a dozen-plus floors. It is the same with the Canadian German Society Manor that was established. The Ukrainian community has built a few of them. Even though they might not necessarily have the management of them today, or not in all cases, these homes were built, in part, with federal dollars. They provide homes for seniors. Seniors who live in the community and maybe have children who are grown up or a spouse who passed away often want to stay in the community. Often, these buildings that are built by communities and non-profits are there to support and provide that home so seniors can get out of a single detached home and into a different home environment.
    There have been all sorts of programs over the years to support affordable housing. There were a number of years when that virtually came to an end because governments at different levels made the decision to withdraw. We saw it, I would argue, during the peak of the Harper era. That is why I referred to the leader of the Conservative Party, when he was minister of housing, and I reflected on the number of non-profit housing units that were actually built when he was responsible for housing. It was fewer than 10. Then we wonder why we have this issue today. It is not something that occurred overnight.
    I like that the issue was elevated to the degree that, during the last national election, just over a year ago, Canada's Prime Minister made the decision to be more aggressive in supporting our communities and Canadians by making housing more affordable. That has taken different forms.
(1600)
     We know that the price of housing has actually gone down since the last election. We know that the cost of rentals has actually gone down. We also know that the Prime Minister and the government today have put in place specific actions to look at ways to increase housing, both the stock and, where we can, the housing conditions overall, through different types of programs.
    When we take a look at Build Canada Homes, we think of it in the form of an arms-length corporation that is being funded to the tune of $13 billion, which has already been allocated in the 2025 budget. It is going to ensure that there is more affordable housing across our nation from coast to coast to coast. It is showing that the Government of Canada is working collaboratively with the different stakeholders and our provinces to ensure that we can maximize the benefit of housing.
    I would be interested in hearing from the Conservative Party today. Is there anyone in the Conservative Party today who believes there is a role for the national government to play on housing? To date, I have heard that, no, there is no role. I would very much appreciate hearing from any Conservative who can stand up and say that, yes, there is a role for the national government.
     Mr. Speaker, we know that the Alto high‑speed rail project, which will be completed toward the end of the next decade, 2040, already has 13 vice‑presidents at that agency who are already receiving bonuses, with not an inch of track being laid.
    The hon. member described Build Canada Homes as an arm's-length federal agency. How many vice‑presidents will there be, and are they going to be receiving bonuses already?
    Mr. Speaker, I can appreciate the question, I guess, to a certain degree. It is completely off‑topic.
    However, when we take a look at what is being proposed and what the government is pushing as a major project, working with the Province of Quebec in a collaborative fashion, this is a project that has received support from Progressive Conservatives. It has also received support from Conservatives.
     The member will find that, in previous governments, under the Harper regime, there were members of Parliament in the Conservative caucus who actually supported the project and who were in opposition to what today's far-right Conservative Party is saying. The Conservatives are trying to portray something that is not the case. Hopefully, we will hear a lot more on this project in the days to come.
     Mr. Speaker, I listened intently to my colleague's speech, and I really appreciated the insights being provided. I think this is important legislation, and I personally believe the federal government has an important role to play when it comes to housing.
    In Waterloo, constituents have really appreciated the federal government stepping up and returning to the housing scene and having different levels of government working together. We have received some substantial investments from the federal government when it comes to increasing the affordable housing supply, a supply that will remain in our community for generations to come, with some of the most historic kinds of projects that we have not been able to dabble in before.
    I would like to hear the member's thoughts as to why the Conservatives are taking the approach that the federal government does not have a role to play. Why are they so concerned that the federal government will help Canadians and give them a hand?
    In the region of Waterloo, I have been asked by constituents about Conservative members voting against the bill, our legislation and our budget, yet when it comes to housing projects, the Conservatives offer these hollow letters of support for those projects. We know that in the past Conservative members were reprimanded for asking the minister of housing for support for their communities.
     Clearly, there are Conservative members who want to see the federal government support housing initiatives in their communities. I would like the member to build upon some of those comments. It is unfortunate that this is not the chorus that the whole Conservative Party is singing, but I am confident there are some Conservative members who are confident that the federal government has a role to play. What are the member's thoughts?
(1605)
    Mr. Speaker, I guess I would break it down into a couple of things. One is the House leadership of the Conservative Party today, which, I would suggest, very much has that get-out-of-the-way, far-right attitude. That is the group that was very critical of the more progressive Conservatives within the caucus. They are much smaller in number but are the ones who really see the value and are the ones who were actually writing letters to the government saying that they supported the project and wanted it.
    They were reprimanded. They were told to stop writing support letters for their community. This came from the Conservative House leadership team, or the leadership team as a whole, and many of the members who, I would suggest, are on the far-right scale of thinking that the federal government has absolutely no role to play in regard to housing.
    Contrast that with the beginning of the question that my friend from Waterloo posed. She highlighted how important housing is to the city of Waterloo, and she is a consistent advocate for Waterloo, not only on housing but on a wide spectrum of issues. She is advocating for Waterloo and sees the value of working collaboratively, and that is exactly what the federal government is doing, because we understand that the end goal is to increase Canada's housing stock, especially on the affordability front.
    Mr. Speaker, the parliamentary secretary mentioned that the affordability issue did not happen overnight. I actually agree with him, but the key thing is that the issue has expanded for the last 11 years. Yes, that is under the Trudeau Liberal government and now under the current Liberal government.
    In my riding, which I am proud to represent, London—Fanshawe, I have gone door to door, connecting with constituents. The key thing is that I have talked to parents whose adult children still live in their house. They get misty-eyed and choked up because they want their children to excel, but the dilemma is that their children cannot afford a house.
    The Liberals promised to deliver 500 new homes every year, but according to CMHC, Canada's housing starts are projected to fall to as low as 212,000 by 2028. What do I tell the parents who love their children but want them to move out? What do I tell them, when they know there are not enough houses being built?
     Mr. Speaker, the member can indicate the following very clearly, because the numbers and the facts clearly demonstrate it. Just over a year ago, Canadians elected a new Prime Minister with incredible credentials on the economy and how it works. There have been positive results on the housing file. Houses have become more affordable; they have dropped in price. Rents overall have dropped in price. The government has been working collaboratively with the different jurisdictions, and the housing stock is in fact increasing. The affordability issue is also being addressed in different ways.
     Within a year, our new government and the new Prime Minister have already made a positive difference, and I am optimistic about the future and being able to hit the targets that have been established.
     Mr. Speaker, I thought that the last exchange was interesting. We just received an example of a Conservative member's wanting more investment in housing and more affordable housing built, recognizing that his constituents need the federal government to play a role, yet rather than working with the government to ensure that we can have more successes for Canadians, the Conservatives would rather slow things down and have Canadians hurting.
    I find it fascinating, and we experienced this at committee yesterday as well, that the Conservative Party is going out of its way to almost amplify the hurt of Canadians rather than being part of the solution. That is probably why the Conservative Party remains the professional opposition: It actually does not want to be part of the solution.
    Could the parliamentary secretary please expand on the importance of the legislation, the federal government's role and how it would actually help the people like the ones the member for London—Fanshawe has just referred to?
    I have to say that I am starting to miss the previous member for London—Fanshawe, because I do believe she would have at least fought hard to ensure that the constituents were fought for, rather than standing in the way and hoping that they hurt. I want Canadians to succeed. I will fight for the people of Waterloo. I would like to hear the member's comments.
(1610)
    Mr. Speaker, when I think of the residents of London—Fanshawe, much as I do for many different constituencies, I think about how Bill C-20 would make a positive difference. It is not an issue of just blindly following the Conservative leadership, even because they are so wrong on this issue. Build Canada Homes is about looking at different ways we can build, such as modular homes. There are ways we can look at how, by working with the stakeholders, we are going to have more homes being built.
    There are the constituents for whom the member wants more homes to be built. The national government is showing compassion and moving in that direction. His very leader is saying to stop. In fact, the member for Waterloo might have gotten him in trouble by signalling that the member is someone who might be somewhat sympathetic to his constituents' needs.
     Mr. Speaker, I will be splitting my time with the member for Carlton Trail—Eagle Creek.
     I am happy to stand today and represent the fine folks of Ponoka—Didsbury. I am happy to report that my leader does not yell at me in caucus meetings and that he listens to all my concerns when I bring them to his attention.
    I humbly rise to speak against this piece of government legislation, Bill C-20, the Build Canada Homes act.
    The Liberal Prime Minister and his government have been big on their promises over the last year, much like they are big on their bureaucracy, big on their spending and big on creating big-time failures. This piece of legislation is a fraction of the action off the back end of a big promise that guarantees big bureaucracy, big spending and an even bigger deficit.
    When elected to a minority government last year, the Prime Minister said he was going to “build, baby, build”, but, oh, baby, he has not built a thing. How did we get here? Well, it was through broken promises and the promotion of failure. Failing upwards is all we are seeing, it seems. The Prime Minister ran an election campaign on a promise to double our homebuilding construction to 500,000 homes a year and to move at speeds not seen in generations. They have not been seen because we cannot see anything moving when nothing is moving. There is nothing to see.
     Whom did the Prime Minister hand-pick to help him deliver on this promise to complete the most housing completions in Canadian history? He chose the member for Vancouver Fraserview—South Burnaby. Listen to this: When he was the mayor of Vancouver, the member raised development charges by 141%, increased the price of homes by 149%, watched the average rent jump by 50%, and saw homelessness increase by 38%. Wow, talk about failing upwards. Under his watch, Vancouver became one of the most expensive markets in North America. It is not just one of the most expensive markets in North America but one of the most expensive in the world.
    The member is whom the Liberal Prime Minister tasked with delivering on this housing crisis, the same minister who said on day one of the job that home prices in this country do not need to come down at all. It is no wonder homes are not being built in this country. Nothing is being built. There is a theme here: no homes, no pipelines, no energy projects and no infrastructure. The Prime Minister cannot get anything built. It has been more than a year since the PM's grand promise to build half a million homes a year, and the result is in: fewer permits, fewer starts and a housing crisis that is rapidly becoming a nightmare.
     The Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation, one of the government's four housing bureaucracies, has declared that Canada must build between 430,000 and 500,000 homes per year for up to a decade to restore 2019 levels of housing affordability. The Prime Minister promised he would build these half a million homes a year, and he said that a big proponent of this building would be the new Crown corporation, Build Canada Homes.
    However, the reports since that promise suggest that Build Canada Homes has the capacity to build only up to about 400,000 homes across six different Canadian cities. This is a mere 1% of the Liberals' original homebuilding promise of 500,000 homes. Where will the other 496,000 come from, if not from this new $11.5-billion agency?
    Those six sites across the country are not even new announcements, I will remind everyone. Each and every project is an old project that the Canada Lands Company, one of the government's other housing bureaucracies, was already working on. The government has taken these sites and reintroduced them under a new agency, and it is calling this progress. It is not progress; it is an abject failure. No new homes are being built. It is an expensive photo op, just like the fake construction site the Prime Minister spent $35,000 on last September when he announced this very Build Canada Homes project in Ottawa, a fake solution to a very real Liberal housing crisis.
    The CMHC says that housing starts in Canada are projected to drop from 270,000 this year to 212,000 by 2028. National housing starts will drop by 18.1% over the next two years as developers are facing skyrocketing building costs. This is an issue that is compounding. Every day it gets worse, and we simply do not have any more time to waste. A year after the promise of half a million homes a year, there is a catastrophic collapse in the market.
    Maybe the Prime Minister's new Major Projects Office that has not approved a major project yet will take this lofty goal on. The problem is delivery. Deliverology is not working for the Prime Minister.
(1615)
    The Prime Minister promised to build at speeds never seen before, at a generational speed, but here we are, a year into his term, and we are just now debating Bill C‑20, which has the capacity to build only 1% of the homes the government promised.
    The minister said a key component of Build Canada Homes is speeding up housing construction. He is not off to a very good start. It took him nearly a year just to bring legislation to the House, which is still not getting anything done. In recent years, the CMHC's data, which is the government's own data, shows that housing starts are falling in this country, and they will continue to fall nationally this year and next.
     The Canadian Real Estate Association says national home prices have increased 2.2% from this time last year. The average home price has increased in every province across Canada. The territories have seen a worse fate. The average home price in the Yukon has increased by over $80,000 from this time last year. The housing crisis is not getting better. It is spiralling out of control. What is the government's solution? It is more bureaucracy, consultants, photo ops and broken promises.
    The job of His Majesty's loyal opposition is to hold the government accountable, promote sound policy and correct the government when it needs correction. One would think the government's job is to listen, but that has not been working. The role of the opposition is integral to the function of Parliament, and it plays an even more important role in the rightful minority Parliament that the Liberals were elected to last year. This job as opposition was given to us by over 8 million voters across the country. Our leader has been clear that we will oppose bad policies and support good ones. This policy is bad policy. It is expensive, it does not deliver any new homes, it pays bureaucrats and consultants and it duplicates the work that several other federal housing agencies already do. It is needless.
    When the housing minister took office as the mayor of Vancouver in 2008, the average price of a detached home in the city was $942,000. On his last day in office, that same home price had soared to $1.8 million. This is the same theme we are going to see nationally. Home prices have remained at unattainable values and costs, there are no buyers, sellers or new builds, and there is no market. The Liberals' response is an $11.5‑billion housing agency that may have the potential to build up to 4,000 homes. My hon. colleague from Parry Sound—Muskoka has offered a substantive, good housing policy that will move the needle and get homes built across the country, but the housing minister will not listen. He is stuck in his ways. They are the same ways that saw Vancouver become the most unaffordable housing market in North America and one of the most expensive in the world.
    The Conservatives do not support adding more bureaucratic red tape to our already highly regulated housing sector. We support and have encouraged the government to do the following things.
    Cut the GST on all new homes under $1.3 million. In turn, this would save families up to $65,000 on the purchase of a new home and unleash new building in every market across the country.
    Tie federal infrastructure dollars to homebuilding to incentivize construction and new builds. Municipalities would have to permit at least 15% more homebuilding each year in order to receive federal infrastructure spending.
    Cut development charges by 50%. The Liberals promised this during the last election campaign, but refused to deliver. This would lift a massive fiscal anchor off the backs of Canadian builders and allow them to do what they do best, which is build houses.
    End the capital gains tax on reinvestments in new housing in Canada. This would unlock billions of dollars of investment in our country's homebuilding sector.
    These are substantive, difference-making policy proposals for our housing sector, but they are met with crickets from the government benches. The GST tax cut on all new homes under $1.3 million, for example, is a policy proposal that building experts, both Liberal and Conservative, have been calling for for over a year now as a policy that would actually enact change.
    The housing minister is not listening. In fact, on a podcast last summer, the minister referred to our proposed GST tax cut as “a big, large sweeping change to make”. Under the government's watch, Canada is facing a housing crisis we have not seen since the Second World War. Instead of rising to the occasion, the government has failed and has made things even worse. Maybe big, large, sweeping changes are exactly what we need to get Canadians into the houses they want.
(1620)
    Mr. Speaker, the reality of the situation is that just over a year ago, Canadians elected a new Prime Minister and a new government. We came forward with a substantive piece of legislation to have more homes built here in Canada. The member tries to give a false impression, but I can tell him that Build Canada Homes will, in fact, build thousands and thousands of affordable homes.
     The Conservative Party's position is, “Get out of the way. We do not need Build Canada Homes.” This is coming from an opposition party that is led by a leader who used to be the minister of housing and built six non-profit homes in that role.
    Why should we listen to the Conservative Party?
    Mr. Speaker, I would love to revisit the Harper-era policies. Some of the main housing-related policies were the home renovation tax credit in 2009, which saw massive investments in Canadians to invest in their own home. It helped with expenses of over $1,000 and up to $10,000. There was $1,350 in tax relief for people to stay in their homes and keep those homes current.
     The first-time homebuyers' tax credit in the 2009 budget was worth up to $750 at the time, helping offset the closing costs for the purchase of new homes. With the expansion of the homebuyers' plan, the government increased the amount Canadians could withdraw from their RRSPs from $20,000 to $25,000.
     Economic action plan infrastructure spending invested in lots of community housing.
     We tightened mortgage rules. We made sure that we did not get into a fiscal crisis. We regulated the environment, rather than try to do everything for everybody else. We built two million homes while the population grew by only 3.2 million. We kept up with the increase in population, which is something these guys have failed to do, miserably.
    Mr. Speaker, here is what really confuses me about this. I was part of a government in Saskatchewan that had a housing plan. It actually had numbers in it. This plan in 2011 by the Saskatchewan government said head start on a home would build 1,000 homes, the affordable home ownership program would build 600 homes, the rental construction incentive would build 2,900 homes, with $35 million for rental housing, and Habitat for Humanity would build 30 homes.
    When someone actually has a plan, they put numbers in it. This plan promised to build 4,690 homes in five years. Why does the Liberal government not have the number of homes in its plan and the kinds of homes it would build?
     Mr. Speaker, I know my colleague knows the answer to this, but here is how the Liberals do it. They take whatever the global agenda happens to be. Financial markets and central bankers, like the current Prime Minister, create global scarcity for a certain product, drive up the demand for it by creating that scarcity and then come up with socialist-type deficit spending to solve the problem, which all of the insiders, their friends and their big corporate interests, then grift on. That is why we are in this mess. They can apply this to housing or any of the other aspect of our economy.
     Have members ever noticed that nothing ever gets done in this country unless the government spends a bunch of taxpayers' dollars along with it? It does not seem to work, does it? All that happens is our deficit goes up and things get worse.
(1625)
    Mr. Speaker, the member's comments about really being there to meet Canadians with what they need and finding out ways to do it are not lost on me.
     Just last month, the Government of Canada and the Government of Alberta stated in a press release that they are going to invest $323 million in affordable housing. There will be 41 projects in the province of Alberta. They will also build more than 70 new shelter spaces for Albertans in need. This press release, which was signed off on by both the Government of Alberta and the Canadian government, talks about Build Canada Homes.
     I would like to know if the member supports the 41 projects in here, including the projects in Red Deer, Lacombe, Calgary and Edmonton. The list goes on.
     Does he believe the federal government has a role to play—
     I have to cut off the member to give the member for Ponoka—Didsbury a chance to respond.
    Mr. Speaker, I will tell everyone about an incident that happened in this House. It was the day the former prime minister announced the consumer carbon tax. The member opposite came and sat beside me, trying to pitch to me that my kids were going to love this new consumer carbon tax because it was the woke thing to do. Right now, my kids make great money and they are living in the basement in my house. They cannot afford a house because she has been a member of Parliament here for the last 11 years, making a total disaster of this country.
    Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to rise today to speak to Bill C-20, an act that seeks to establish the Build Canada Homes bureaucracy, at third reading.
    As I mentioned during the debate at second reading, this bill is the latest attempt by the Liberals to solve a problem they created. Unfortunately, their solution is to create yet another Crown corporation, which they promise will deal with their housing issue. It is their third Crown corporation, no less.
    Over the last 10 years, our young people have watched rents and the prices of homes double. Inflation has soared and swallowed up their ability to save for the future, and the prospect of owning a home has slipped away.
     We all remember the promise the Prime Minister made during the last election to build at speeds not seen in a generation. This generation is losing out. He has invoked grand speeches since, reminding Canadians that for much of our history, our country was able to build vital projects and the housing it needed. I am deliberately saying “for much of our history”, because over the past 10 years under the Liberals, companies have been forced to downsize and lay off workers, businesses have had to shut their doors and our builders have been unable to build because of increasing costs and regulatory burdens.
     After promising to deliver 500,000 new homes every year, the PBO estimates that Canada's housing completions will average only 222,000 per year, which is well below the number needed and the number promised. However, rather than delivering on their promise to build these homes, the Liberals are building yet another bureaucracy. This makes it their fourth attempt at using bureaucracy to try to fix the housing crisis they have created.
    While the Liberal government continues to tell young Canadians that solutions are on their way, it is going to deliver and all it needs is more time, our young people are waking up each morning with less hope of making a down payment on a home, landing a career that will meet their needs or starting a family. After 10 years of getting it wrong, just how much time do the Liberals need to get it right?
     Now we find out that their grand plan is to build yet another bureaucracy. It is completely out of touch to believe that doing the same thing over and again will somehow produce a different result. Rather than repeal overburdensome regulations or legislation, the Liberals' plan is to create yet another massive, multi-billion dollar Crown corporation to do what the private sector already does, except it would move slower, cost more and require more red tape.
    The Liberals' record of overseeing Crown corporations is not stellar either. Let us consider Canada Post. This Crown corporation became insolvent under the government and has received not one but two $1-billion loans that taxpayers are on the hook for. This is all because the Liberals failed to act and approve its strategic plan for five years.
    The Canada Infrastructure Bank, which is another Crown corporation, handed out a $1-billion loan to a Chinese shipbuilding company, instead of giving that work to capable, hard-working Canadians in B.C.
     As for the Canada Lands Company, its responsibility to develop federal properties and convert them into housing units will now become the responsibility of Build Canada Homes. The six projects that were announced, as my colleague pointed out earlier, had already been approved and development was well under way. Only 49% of federal land commitments from the Canada Lands Company will be built by 2028. According to the Auditor General, federal property disposals take six to eight years per property. These delays are not one-off incidents. They are slow, repeat failures that demonstrate a true lack of will to address the issue in a meaningful way. There is no reason to believe that by transferring these properties to the new bureaucracy, things will speed up or be any more effective.
     Reorganizing is not reform. Still, that does not seem to resonate. Believing that giving paycheques to policy advisers on bureaucratic boards will deliver results is a failure of imagination and a failure to recognize that a change in approach is needed.
(1630)
     Getting back into the business of building cannot mean being in the business of hiring consultants or layering on more delays. A new board of directors would not fix the supply crisis the Liberals have created. What builders need is for the cost of building to come down, and that means bringing the cost of government down. It means recognizing that the cost of government is more than just the development charges and it is more than the cost of GST on the sale of a home. It is the cost hidden in the complex rules that present the first barrier to a shovel hitting the dirt. These rules drive away competition, slow progress and gradually increase cost.
     We do not catalyze an industry by competing with it, using $13 billion of its own tax dollars. We do not build homes by adding more process to the country's system that already has far too much of it. For greater clarity, the OECD has identified restrictive zoning permitting and fragmented approval systems across levels of government as a principal constraint on housing supply in Canada. Build Canada Homes will not fix this, and there is a real human cost to all of this.
     Young Canadians are being forced to work longer in the hopes of entering the housing market later in life. We must also acknowledge the lost potential to our economy as construction workers are laid off and home builders stop building at a time when housing starts, job creation and affordability are needed the most.
     Building has become complex. The regulatory burden has become expansive. It is not Canadians who need to be reminded of a time when we used to build here in Canada. It is the government here in Ottawa that needs reminding that there was a time when it did not stand in the way of letting people build. If the Liberal government is serious about wanting to tackle the housing crisis our country is facing, it needs to stop blaming outside factors and rather look inward to determine a new approach, which is needed in our capital. A new approach would deliver the results Canadians need.
     The new is often uncomfortable. This would mean a departure from an “Ottawa knows best” mindset and a return to common sense, wherein young people are free to innovate, businesses are able to adapt and the market drives demand for growth. The government, as a customer, cannot drive demand forever, create the jobs we will need nor house every Canadian, and it should not want to. Canadians are the most capable people in the world, and the government needs to remember that.
     Young Canadians should not be asked to sacrifice more than they already have. They deserve a fair chance to work hard and build the homes, lives and families they choose. The 500,000 homes a year that are needed to solve this housing crisis will not be built by a fourth housing bureaucracy with red tape that prevents shovels from hitting the dirt. Boardrooms have never built homes. Builders and capable workers do.
     Canadians do not have to settle for a $13-billion project that will build just 5,000 homes a year. Better is possible, but it requires a change, not more of the same. The bill we are debating today is just more of the same.
(1635)
    Mr. Speaker, I know we are talking about Building Canada Homes and creating this stand-alone agency, and the previous speaker mentioned that no homes have actually been built. I was at the inauguration of a building in my riding in March with 30 units for transitional housing, so I have seen in my own riding that we are building. We are building to make sure that we provide the supply to allow more Canadians to find a place to live and to buy their first home.
    As such, I am not quite sure why the members opposite are saying no homes are being built, when I know for a fact that in my riding there have been. In fact, Longueuil was actually identified as one of the six projects initially announced.
    Mr. Speaker, I would just suggest this: My hon. colleague does not need to take my word for it. She does not need to take the word of my colleagues on this side of the House. Maybe she should go back and look at the Auditor General's report or the PBO's report that was tabled last fall. In her report last year, the Auditor General found a clear lack of transparency in reporting numbers on the government's housing initiatives, which further undermines the trust Canadians have in the government's ability to address the housing crisis. Under its own definition of housing units, the government refuses to be transparent with the kinds of housing it is building and whether it will meet the needs of families. I would remind the member that she needs to also take a look at what others are saying about this crisis and how they are doing.
     Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague from Carlton Trail—Eagle Creek for a strong grasp of the numbers and the facts. I would note that 11 years ago, the average monthly mortgage payment was $1,432. The average monthly rent payment was $973 a month after 10 years of Conservative government.
    Maybe the hon. member can reflect on the fact that now in Canada, a third of the cost of building a home is government taxes, fees, levies, delays and permits. In my community of Hamilton, Ontario it is actually 36%. This is driving up the cost of housing and it is preventing young people from entering the market.
    Mr. Speaker, my hon. colleague probably has a much better grasp on the numbers than I do. I would simply say this. I am a mom of four adult children who have recently bought homes, trying to get into home ownership, and the cost to do that is incredible. We know it is still the dream of young Canadians to one day own a home, and we know the government is losing valuable time by creating bureaucracies instead of actually doing something different and addressing the issue to get more homes built for our young people.

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, the Build Canada Homes bill is not a bad bill because we are in the midst of a housing crisis and any attempt to correct the situation is more than welcome.
    However, the way the bill is worded, the federal government is encroaching on the jurisdictions of Quebec and the provinces, which always makes me feel a bit uneasy. Quebec and Ottawa made an agreement on a number of things, which should help close loopholes.
    I would like my colleague to tell me this. In her view, would it not have been better to simply transfer money to the provinces by proposing that they look after housing in each province and in Quebec, according to the priorities and problems that each Canadian province is facing?
(1640)

[English]

     Mr. Speaker, there is no doubt that partnerships between municipalities, provinces and the federal government are important when addressing this issue. Conservatives believe the goal for these partnerships where housing is concerned should be to reduce the costs and delays that prevent housing from getting built, and to be doing that in partnership with other orders of government.

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, I would just like to say that I will be sharing my time with the ever-energetic member for South Shore—St. Margarets.
    I want to talk about a recurring pattern with this government, one that I have observed since the beginning of this Parliament. There are two crises that are affecting us. I will focus on two major crises, although there may be more. The first is the housing crisis, and the second is the tariff crisis.
    In a previous life, when I was studying philosophy, we were given a definition of “crisis” that was quite simple. It is when a body goes through a period that puts it on the brink of life or death. Responding to a crisis means ensuring the survival of a body. If nothing is done, then that body will die. That was a definition that I had in my philosophy courses.
    What does that imply? Why do I raise this? It is because during a crisis, what is needed is prompt action that produces results. The best example is perhaps a heart attack. If someone has a heart attack, they would not be satisfied with me telling them not to worry and to keep breathing because it will eventually pass. They would want prompt action. They would want medical care to stay alive.
    What I am seeing today from the government is precisely a lack of prompt action. Now we have Build Canada Homes, and I will give an example. Loge m'entraide, an organization in my riding that received funding from the Société d'habitation du Québec, or SHQ, to build social housing, was supposed to receive money from the affordable housing fund, or AHF, which was administered by CMHC.
    That was at the beginning, in 2024. This organization received its SHQ funding. CMHC officials said that if SHQ funding was secured, then AHF funding would be coming. Several months passed. The affordable housing fund disappeared. The government said that it would reach a new agreement with the provinces and that it would then follow up to see whether SHQ projects would qualify.
    Now, after 18 months, Loge m'entraide is still waiting for federal funding. The government scrapped the AHF, which was supposed to be refinanced by the government in the budget. However, what we learned from the budget is that there would be a new program instead. This new program was going to solve all the problems. This new program is called Build Canada Homes, but in the meantime, no social housing is being built in my riding because the federal government is unable to respond to the crisis.
    Another point that strikes me as essential is that, throughout the election campaign and even afterward, I heard the Prime Minister and the Minister of Energy and Natural Resources say that there is one sector that has been particularly affected by tariffs since 2017, and that is the forestry sector. We were already dealing with U.S. tariffs even before the tariff crisis. These two people told us that they knew that the lumber sector was particularly affected, but that they were going to resolve this issue through a major initiative. The Prime Minister said that during the election campaign. The Minister of Natural Resources repeated it ad nauseam. They said they were going to resolve it through a major initiative that would allow homes to be built using Canadian lumber.
    I am a guy who is all about co-operation. I thought to myself that we have been asking for this since I arrived here in 2019 and that this government may have understood that it had to support the forestry industry.
    However, where do we stand today? If I look at the Build Canada Homes bill, is there anything that clearly states that Canadian wood has to be used? I do not know whether anyone else has seen that, but I have not. Apart from the Liberal Party's lip service, there is absolutely nothing to suggest that construction will be done with wood. This brings us to another major crisis, the softwood lumber crisis, which mainly affects Quebec, but also Ontario to some extent as well as British Columbia. However, there is absolutely nothing in there to suggest that the federal government wants to prioritize wood as a material, apart from the statements that have been made.
    I say that because it is very important; I remember that in 2025, for the first time, a federal government said in response to the softwood lumber crisis that it would provide liquidity. In August 2025, the Minister of Energy and Natural Resources said that there would be a liquidity program for people in the forestry sector who are going through one of the worst crises they have ever experienced.
(1645)
    Eight or nine months later, people in my riding have contacted me to express interest in accessing the Business Development Bank of Canada, or BDC, program, but it is still vague and the rules are so hard to understand that no one I know can access it. Eight or nine months on, we are in a crisis, as I said earlier. If a person has a heart attack, they want an immediate response. Eight or nine months later, absolutely nothing has been done to support the forestry sector. Then, the federal government announces that it is going to launch a broad strategy to use wood in building construction.
    How is it going to use wood in building construction when the majority of businesses, whether small sawmills or lumber producers, are shutting down?
    How can the same momentum be recreated when companies in the forestry sector are being left to die?
    We sat down and came up with proposals. We are in collaboration mode. It is true that we sometimes criticize the government's measures in the House. However, we gave the government a suggestion. The first thing that we did was to go and see people in the forestry sector to tell them that there will be business opportunities. The government wants to launch a major construction project, and so we asked business owners in the industry what they have to offer. These people told us that, before they can offer anything, they have to keep their companies afloat and get through the tariff crisis with the United States, and that the best way to do that would be for the government to cover some of the anti-dumping and countervailing duties at the end of each month.
    Today, more than $13 billion is being held captive, in trust, at the border by the Americans. That amount belongs to the forestry sector. If we could inject that $13 billion into this sector, everybody would be thrilled. However, this $13 billion is being held captive. People in the forestry sector are accommodating. They do not want to get that money back right away. They want to exhaust all available recourse with the international trade tribunals. In the meantime, they are asking the government to take care of 50% of these countervailing and anti-dumping duties and tariffs at the end of each month. A 10% tariff brings the total tariff amount to 45%. Furthermore, this is not a subsidy, because this problem will eventually be resolved. The forestry industry is asking the government to adopt this proposal so that it can keep its ecosystem alive. When construction starts up again, forestry companies will be there and they will not have all disappeared.
    The government rejected this proposal.
    The government was given another proposal to maintain the ecosystem and the value chain that allows us to use wood in construction. The proposal was for the government to provide the equivalent of a wage subsidy, which would be an easy thing for the government to do.
    The government also rejected this proposal.
    Last week, the government announced with great fanfare what the task force strategy entailed. It is very interesting. The government talked about $10 billion over 10 years. Will this amount actually be distributed? I do not know, but it was announced with great fanfare.
    Are there any conclusive solutions and results today that will allow the forestry sector to respond to what will be a vast construction site for the Build Canada Homes projects? There is absolutely nothing.
    In closing, Build Canada Homes is a great strategy but, at the end of the day, absolutely nothing is being done. This government likes to talk about what it wants to do but is very slow to take action. That is what is disappointing.
    I look forward to hearing my colleagues' questions on this matter. I also look forward to seeing their record so far.
(1650)
    Before moving on to questions and comments, it is my duty pursuant to Standing Order 38 to inform the House that the questions to be raised tonight at the time of adjournment are as follows: the hon. member for Calgary Crowfoot, Finance; the hon. member for Courtenay—Alberni, Marine Transportation; the hon. member for York—Durham, Housing.

[English]

     Mr. Speaker, I recognize that there are very serious concerns and issues surrounding our forest industry in Canada. The government, through its buy Canada policy and other initiatives, is doing what it can to support it.
    The question I have for the member is in regard to the legislation itself. The Build Canada Homes act would allow the Government of Canada, at an arm's-length distance, to work collaboratively with the different governments. It has been very successful with the Government of Quebec, with the agreement. I wonder if the member could just provide his perspective on why it is important to have the legislation go through and to work collaboratively with the different stakeholders.

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, as I said earlier, I am in collaboration mode, but I am not seeing any results. I sometimes wonder about the government's interest in the forestry industry.
    What struck me the most about the “Canada Strong for All” fiscal update is that the words “forest” and “forestry” appear only nine times. However, a search for the words “oil” or “oil company” shows that they appear 130 times. “Canada for all” seems to be Canada focused on western Canada's energy sector. It is not Canada focused on the forestry sector.
    As we know, politics is a balance of power, and unfortunately, when it comes down to the forestry industry, right now our balance of power is non‑existent.

[English]

    Mr. Speaker, my question is simple. Will the Bloc be supporting this bill? If so, how can it justify supporting a bill that would not deliver tangible results for Canadians or real support for the forestry industry? Can the member outline the position his party is taking in terms of whether it will be supporting the bill?

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, our position is quite simple: We want more housing construction, and we want support for the forestry industry.
    Our criticisms concern the government's slow response. If it does not take immediate action to support forestry, this industry will lose its lifeblood. Small regions like mine, whether in Saguenay—Lac-Saint-Jean, Abitibi or the north shore, are being hollowed out and will pay the price. The government is turning a deaf ear and is unwilling to listen to the industry's legitimate demands. It is still making announcements rather than responding to the crisis.
    We are still going to vote in favour of this initiative. If it comes to fruition and is good for everyone, then we will not vote against it. The goal is not to oppose for the sake of opposing. That is not what we do.
    Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague from Jonquière for his speech, which was as engaging and passionate as he is.
    I must say that I was surprised as I listened to him speak. In my view, building a house starts with wood. Ask any six-year-old kid in school what is needed to build a house, and the first thing the child would say is wood. My colleague tells us that in the budget, wood is mentioned only nine times in I do not know how many pages. One might think that this was an oversight, except I understand that my colleague from Jonquière has frequently asked government members about what they are doing for the forestry industry. Unfortunately, it seems that they have turned a deaf ear.
    Can my colleague explain the government's apparent insensitivity or closed-mindedness regarding the forestry industry?
(1655)
    Mr. Speaker, that is an excellent question. The answer is quite simple: The federal government has never been willing to fight for softwood lumber. We are at the mercy of the Americans. Not only that, but we also have an economic sector that is currently unable to access federal assistance, because it is constantly being referred to Global Affairs Canada and told no.
    What the federal government has been doing for the past few years is unconscionable. It has allowed the situation to deteriorate, and now we are facing deeply troubling consolidations in the forestry sector.

[English]

    Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of Bill C‑20, the Build Canada Homes act. I do so as the proud member of Parliament for South Shore—St. Margarets. Any day we get to rise on behalf of our constituents is always a great day.
    I want to talk today about our housing crisis and how it is not just theoretical. It is something that I hear about every single day from residents, businesses and my community leaders. Across our communities, all the way from Shag Harbour to Tantallon in my riding, there is a message that is clear. We need more housing, not someday, not eventually, but right now.
    In South Shore—St. Margarets, the challenge is not just affordability but also availability. Most of what we have talked about today is between those two things. I would like to talk about our responsiveness to both affordability and availability.
    We have employers that are looking to hire in South Shore—St. Margarets but are unable to attract workers because sometimes there is no place for them to live. We also need the infrastructure to support that. We have young families who want to stay in the community but cannot afford a home. We have seniors who want to age in place, in community, but have limited options. We have growing communities that are being held back, not by a lack of opportunities but by a lack of housing supply. This is not just a housing issue. It is an economic issue, a workforce issue and also a community sustainability issue.
     I do not want to sound like a negative Nelly. I would like to talk now about why Bill C‑20 matters. This legislation would transform Build Canada Homes into a Crown corporation, as we have been discussing today in the House, giving it the independence, flexibility and tools needed to actually deliver housing at the scale required. This is about action.
     Build Canada Homes would not just fund projects one at a time. It would act as a builder, a partner and a catalyst, working alongside municipalities, provinces, indigenous communities, non-profit organizations, co-operatives and the private sector, an opportunity that is also backed by $13 billion in initial funding to get the work moving.
     I want to speak directly about what I have been hearing from the people in my riding. I have met with developers, builders, tradespeople and community housing organizations, and they are all aligned on one thing: They are ready to build, but they need the conditions to do it. They need access to land, in some cases. They need financing that works in today's market. Perhaps most importantly, they need infrastructure to support growth. Without infrastructure, homes cannot be built.
     In South Shore—St. Margarets, we are already seeing the kind of collaboration that makes housing possible. A strong example of this partnership in my riding is between the Municipality of the District of Lunenburg and the Town of Bridgewater. They have led a joint venture with their wastewater system, and this is exactly the kind of forward-looking investment we need.
     I was very proud to be one of the only members of Parliament right now to have one of those announcements in our larger announcements just a couple of months ago. When municipalities work together, they expand core infrastructure like water and wastewater systems, and they unlock the ability to build housing to scale. These are foundational investments, and for too long, there has been a bottleneck. We have seen this as a government, and our new government is here to respond. Build Canada Homes recognizes this. It understands that if we want homes built, we must also support those systems that make these homes possible.
     Another reason this legislation matters to people in my rural riding in Nova Scotia is that it recognizes the diversity in housing needs. Housing affordability in South Shore—St. Margarets does not look the same as in many other areas, in urban centres.
(1700)
    This is why Build Canada Homes uses both a place-based and an income-based definition of affordability, ensuring that housing reflects the realities of local incomes. This matters because homes must actually be affordable to the people who live and work in our communities, not because they are on some type of abstract national average.
    I was also very impressed with, and helped host, one of our round tables with our minister last summer as he was going all over the nation listening and learning, and now, through this legislation, responding. I met with the developers and the whole spectrum of builders at these round tables who gave their concerns, the good, the bad and sometimes the ugly, in response to the minister having these consultations.
     Rural communities are often overlooked in national housing strategies, but we know that they are essential to Canada's economy, culture and identity. From forestry, to fisheries, to tourism, to small business, rural regions like ours are vital. However, without housing how do we sustain that vitality? The recognition of rural needs through Bill C-20 includes support for infrastructure, transportation considerations and community revitalization. It is an important step forward.
     This legislation is also about partnership, and in South Shore—St. Margarets partnership is how we get things done. We are seeing municipalities collaborate. We are seeing non-profits and co-operatives step forward. I was recently at an announcement for shovels in the ground for an eight-unit co-operative shared housing unit in the small town of Liverpool. Although there are only eight units, that is huge in our small rural and coastal communities.
    We are also seeing leaders come together to think bigger and aggregate projects to create scale. That type of collaboration is exactly what Build Canada Homes is designed to support, because when communities align with federal resources and private sector capacity, we can move forward from ideas to construction and from plans to actual homes.
    We also want to highlight some of these economic opportunities in this approach. Build Canada Homes is more than just housing. It is about building Canadian capacity. It is about Canadian workers, Canadian materials and Canadian expertise. For South Shore—St. Margarets, that means opportunities for tradespeople. It means opportunities connected to our forestry sector and supply chains. Our colleagues have just talked about the lack of support for the forestry sector. I have met with multiple different lumber mills in my riding and some of our prefab manufacturers on how they are working specifically within our supply chain locally to get these homes built. It means good jobs that support families in our region. It is like having multi-generational families like Freeman Lumber in my riding working together with others like Lloyoll Prefabs, Walls and CLATTCO Construction in my riding on a common goal, which is to get roofs over people's heads. At a time when global uncertainty is increasing, investing in Canadian industry is solving problems with respect to our housing shortage. This is the right approach. Innovation is key.
    I want to address directly the idea that this legislation creates unnecessary bureaucracy. Respectfully, I disagree. This legislation is about streamlining, not adding layers. Build Canada Homes brings expertise, financing tools and partnerships together under one organization with a clear goal.
    The housing crisis did not emerge overnight and will not be solved overnight. What Canadians expect of us is progress. They expect us to work together. They expect us to take bold, practical steps. Bill C-20 is one of those steps. For the young family in Bridgewater who is working and looking for their first home, for the nurse who is considering a job on the South Shore but is unable to find housing and for the senior in Lunenburg who wants to stay close to their community, this bill matters.
(1705)
    Mr. Speaker, the Parliamentary Budget Officer data indicates that, if enacted, this bill would produce barely 1% of the homes that are needed on an annual basis. How can a member justify spending billions of dollars on a massive Crown corporation when it would have such negligible impact on the housing crisis?
    Mr. Speaker, I would like to talk to my colleague from Ontario about Carolyn Whitzman. I was a member of HUMA, where we had this on our desk to study. I want to read something that she said about Build Canada Homes and how it needs the independence of a Crown corporation. She said that it had been clear from the start that it was merging the existing Canada Lands Company into it. The real question here was affordability, targets and what this kind of economic and social return was expected to generate, and how we needed these plans for a national housing strategy. She was a huge proponent of this.
    Therefore, I would like to remind my colleague that we have people who are doing the work and I would love to see the responsiveness of our minister in this.

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, it seems like it is always the same old story.
    The federal government is proposing strategies, like the Build Canada Homes program. It is also proposing to retool the forestry sector, but that will not happen in six months. It will take 10 years to see results.
    The federal government is not agile enough to act in a timely manner.
    That is why, in my speech earlier, I gave the example of the affordable housing fund, which has gone from CMHC to Build Canada Homes, meaning that, today, projects that would have received this funding 10 or so months ago are now stuck waiting.
    That is the problem with these initiatives.
    Perhaps my colleague is seeing the same thing in her own riding.

[English]

    Mr. Speaker, we have been experiencing similarities with our ridings. Although I am in a coastal community, we still have small-town pride.
     I would like to say to my colleague that we have been with our new government for only a year. We have been laying infrastructure. We are trying to pass this bill that would help unlock everything and get those shovels in the ground. In my own riding, I have had multiple announcements and multiple shovels in the ground.
     I have talked to the people in my forestry sector. My colleague wants to talk about lack of support in the forestry sector. I have talked with Derek Nighbor of the Forest Products Association of Canada regarding how I can work with my local mills and my local prefab people and build those partnerships together to get more shovels in the ground for private, non-market and co-operative housing.
     Mr. Speaker, my colleague mentioned municipalities in her speech. I am a former municipal councillor. Municipalities at any given time have a lot of balls in the air that they have to balance. One of the big ones is housing. I am wondering if my colleague could comment further on the role she sees municipalities playing and how this legislation would impact municipalities positively.
    Mr. Speaker, as a former municipal councillor, the example that I used in my speech today in regard to our municipality and district in Lunenburg and my town of Bridgewater is how people were trying to put together a larger supportive housing complex just outside of the town of Bridgewater, but they did not have the waste-water system. Therefore, they are working with the town. They are working with the municipality and collating a larger project that is going to help over 3,000 people in my riding, so these partnerships are key.
    I would ask members who are negating this legislation whether they have sat down with all the different key players and stakeholders. What are they doing, as their representative, to help make these plans to get these shovels in the ground?
(1710)
     Mr. Speaker, I am happy to join this debate on Bill C‑20, Build Canada Homes, which was a promise the Liberals made in the 2025 campaign. I cannot remember the name of the Liberal guy I ran against, but he was very excited about this, saying that he was going to get these homes built and that this was going to be a great policy.
    I remember thinking, from a Saskatchewan point of view, that we are home to many Crown corporations. I know how Crown corporations work. I have been in government in Saskatchewan. I cannot recall a lot of situations when Crown corporations were involved and became more streamlined or development happened faster and things got done more quickly. That was not really the case when Crown corporations get involved with development on a local scale. However, I do have a couple of points I want to make during this speech.
     I will read testimony from actual experts in homebuilding. Mike Moffatt, from the Missing Middle Initiative, said, “BCH lacks a clear goal, lacks targets and lacks key performance indicators and accountability measures. The public has not been told how many homes the program will complete, what types of homes, what the rents and prices will be, or over what time frame.”
    At HUMA, David Wilkes, Building Industry and Land Development Association, said, “To put that [housing] crisis into perspective, in 2025 just over 5,000 new homes were sold in the GTA, the lowest level since we began tracking in 1981. That is an 80% decline from the 10‑year average and follows similarly weak years in 2024 and 2023.” He also said, “It is important to note that 95% of the housing in Canada, both ownership and rental, is delivered through the private market.”
    At HUMA, Scott Andison, Ontario Home Builders' Association, said, “When new home construction slows, the impact extends beyond the housing industry alone. Communities lose jobs, government loses revenue and fewer homes are being built for families to create memories.” He also said, “As the industry association representing home builders across Ontario, we know that builders are the experts and the ones who are best suited to construct the homes we need, not the government.”
     I will be honoured to share my time with my colleague, the member for Calgary Centre.
    That got me thinking back to when I was in government with the Saskatchewan Party in Saskatchewan. In 2011, we brought forward the Saskatchewan advantage housing plan. Most Liberals will not believe this, but we actually put numbers and targets in this housing plan so that people knew what we wanted to accomplish. We had five programs during that housing initiative called head start on a home, affordable home ownership, rental construction incentive, $35 million for rental housing, and habitat for humanity partnership. The numbers actually coalesced with the programs. We wanted 1,100 units for head start on a home, 600 units for affordable home ownership, 2,900 units for rental construction, 160 for rental housing and 30 for habitat for humanity, so a total of 4,690 homes. Can colleagues imagine a government bringing forward a program with the actual targets of what it wanted to build so that citizens knew what they were voting for?
    That is my problem with the Build Canada Homes program. My problem is that the government threw $13 billion into a pot to create a whole new bureaucracy. I would love it if one of my Liberal colleagues would tell me how much of that $13 million is going to go into bonuses for executives. How much is going to go into actually paying bureaucrats to sit in Ottawa and not put shovels in the ground?
    We did just get a lot of numbers related to bonuses for Crown executives this past year. What was the total payment for Crown executives? I think millions and millions of dollars went to executives of Crown companies who did not provide any results.
    My fear with Bill C‑20 is that there are going to be a lot of bonuses for executives and hardly any homes for Canadians.
(1715)
     Mr. Speaker, the member for Waterloo posed a question to one of the member's colleagues from Alberta. I would like to echo the same sentiment from that question. That is, we have agreements today for housing projects in collaboration in Alberta and Saskatchewan. We continue to work collaboratively with different jurisdictions.
     Can the member be very clear? If he does not support the legislation and he does not support the federal government being involved directly in housing, will he say that very clearly today? Will the member be bold enough to say that he will not support those projects that are being supported by the provinces, municipalities and federal government?
    Mr. Speaker, I do not have to be very bold. I think the provincial governments do need some federal funding. I do not think the federal government needs to have another bureaucracy in order to listen to municipalities and provinces and get them the funding they need to build homes. It does not have to be in the business of homebuilding. It can actually help the provinces when it comes to funding. The government does not have to pick winners and losers, which I know Liberals like to do. After Build Canada Homes comes to fruition, I am very sure that Brookfield will be building a lot of homes in Canada.
    Mr. Speaker, the member mentioned executive bonuses, and I just want to point out that the company also gave some great bonuses to its executives, while it has built zero kilometres of rail line. I just thought I would put that on the record as well.
    I want to ask my hon. colleague a bit more about the interest rate and the value of our money, how that affects homebuilding, and what the government is doing to affect those things.
    Mr. Speaker, we know that the value of the Canadian dollar has gone down. Actually, it has just gone down again over the last couple of days, so our dollar is not going as far as it did in years prior.
    When it comes to interest rates, what has happened to the Canadian dollar and our purchasing power is that the more the government spends, the greater the deficits are. The PBO just said that the deficit is actually going to be $50 billion higher than first projected only a couple of months ago. When the government continues to have a reckless spending problem, it leaves Canadians with less money in their pockets, and inflation goes up.
    Government members talk about procuring wood to build homes in Canada, but having 36 mill closures over the last couple of years in B.C. and Quebec is also going to make homebuilding less affordable. They cannot get a softwood tariff deal done with the United States, which they promised to do.
    Mr. Speaker, my colleague made some good points. The number one project in my riding for Build Canada Homes is a project to serve some individuals with intellectual disabilities. We know that many people with intellectual disabilities are served by L'Arche Canada, L'Arche Comox Valley in my riding. I am sure it is L'Arche in Regina—Lewvan.
    Right now, Build Canada Homes is holding the project up. It is saying that it does not meet the criteria for supportive and transitional needs. How can people with intellectual disabilities not meet the criteria for transitional needs? This is a project that is supported by L'Arche Canada. Build Canada Homes is saying that it cannot do anything right now. The minister's office says it cannot talk to Build Canada Homes and cannot get involved. These people have nowhere to go right now. They are the most vulnerable people in our society. They count on us.
    Maybe my colleague can speak about how this is such a disaster right now.
    Mr. Speaker, my NDP colleague's comments go to the heart of my argument. The federal government should not be picking winners and losers. The provincial government and municipalities can put programs forward to make sure that the people who most need homes can get them. The government can supply some of the funding, but the people on the ground doing the building should be able to get that money and help build those homes. I was proud to be part of the Saskatchewan government that brought forward the Saskatchewan assured income for disability program. We have to look after the most vulnerable people in our society.
(1720)
     Mr. Speaker, when the current Parliament started, I had the opportunity to meet in the middle of the floor with the new housing minister to talk about what his new portfolio would entail. At that point in time, I told him very clearly that he should just throw out what he had and start over anew, because all the advice he had been given, and what I have seen over the last six years since I have been in the House, has been a bunch of garbage and a bunch of non-results from the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation. The entire bureaucracy that he is in charge of at this point in time has just layered on more and more spending but has accomplished nothing.
    That is a preamble to my speech about where we need to go in this country.
    Since 2019, the federal government has introduced or expanded roughly a dozen major housing programs and initiatives, layer upon layer on top of its existing strategies. Today we have a system with overlapping funds, loan programs and agencies, and now there is a brand new Crown corporation added to the mix. All of this sits within a $100‑billion‑plus national housing strategy that was designed not as a single focused solution but as a collection of complementary programs.
     The problem is not a lack of federal activity. It is that this growing web of programs is not translating into the number of homes Canadians actually need, but instead of focusing on why that is happening, the proposed bill would take us in the wrong direction. Bill C‑20 is not really about building homes. It is about building another federal bureaucracy.
     We have to be honest about what is driving housing costs in this country. The number one factor is not a lack of ideas or a lack of programs. It is the cost of building, and that cost is increasingly driven by government: taxes, fees, regulations and constant changes to the rules of the game. We heard this across the country when I was chairing the economic growth council. Every time the government changes a building code, adds a requirement or delays a permit, it adds costs, and those costs do not disappear. They get passed on directly to the homebuyer or the renter.
    We have seen what happens when governments overreact with broad, top-down policies. In Ontario, there are now entire segments of the housing market dominated by 500‑square‑foot condo units. They were being built not because families were demanding them but because policy decisions pushed the market in that direction. That is what happens when government tries to centrally shape outcomes instead of enabling the market to respond to real demand, and we are seeing a similar lesson play out in my hometown of Calgary.
    Over the last four years, the municipal government in Calgary took a blanket rezoning approach, promoted as a solution to affordability. What actually happened? A recent assessment showed that the primary beneficiaries were not homebuyers. They were land speculators and developers who captured the increased value. Communities suffered, while affordability did not materially improve, and Calgarians took notice. That is why there was a political reset at the municipal level. Politicians were thrown out for their false start and what they said they were trying to do versus what they were actually accomplishing. People understand that simply changing zoning everywhere without addressing costs and implementation does not automatically result in affordable homes.
     This brings us to Bill C‑20. Instead of addressing the structural cost drivers in the system, the government would be expanding its footprint. Build Canada Homes would have sweeping powers in financing, land acquisition and development authority, and it would come with a significant price tag: another $13 billion over five years.
    However, the question Canadians should be asking is simple: What would we be getting for that money? The evidence suggests that it would not be very much. Even government-backed analysis shows that the program would deliver only a fraction of the homes that are promised: 5,200 projected homes per year. At the same time, we would be expanding the size of government, with more administrators, more overhead and more layers. That cost does not build homes. It builds bureaucracies.
    We must also consider the cost per unit. When the government steps in as a developer, costs tend to rise, not fall. Projects take longer, risk increases, accountability becomes less clear, and ultimately, taxpayers are left carrying that burden. We would, effectively, be asking Canadians, who are already dealing with high housing costs, to also fund an expanded federal structure that has no clear targets for delivery.
(1725)
    Experts have already warned about this. They told the committee that Build Canada Homes lacks clear goals, lacks targets and lacks accountability. We would not only be expanding government; we would be doing so without a clear measure of success.

[Translation]

    It is clear that the cost of housing is too high in Canada, but it is also important to be clear about the causes. Those are the taxes, fees and regulations that drive up construction costs. Every new regulation, every delay, every change to the National Building Code creates additional costs, and those costs are paid for by Canadians.
    Bill C‑20 does not resolve those issues. On the contrary, it expands the size of government and creates more bureaucracy. As the experts said in committee, there is neither a clear target nor an accountability mechanism. What we need is not more bureaucracy. We need an environment where builders can build faster and at a lower cost.

[English]

    How do we stop the cost escalation? We bring discipline and stability to building codes, reduce delays and uncertainty in approvals, limit the growth of government structures that add costs without adding supply, and ensure that public money actually delivers measurable results. Canadians are already under significant financial pressure. There are rising debt levels, and more households are stretched to their limit. Canadians cannot afford policies that increase costs, whether directly through housing prices or indirectly through higher government spending.
    At the end of the day, this is all about outcomes. Would we be building more homes? Would we be lowering costs? Would we be improving affordability? On all three counts, the bill would fall short. Bill C-20 would expand government, increase spending and avoid the real work of addressing the cost drivers that are holding back supply. I will continue to support solutions that focus on what actually matters: lowering the cost of building homes Canadians need and making home ownership achievable again for Canadians, including the people of Calgary and across Alberta.
    There are many ways we can get involved in this from the federal perspective, but as I told the minister when he first took the housing portfolio, the main thing he can do is second-guess the people who have been giving the government advice for the last 11 years, because all they have done is added cost to the system, cost to the building of homes and cost for Canadians, including more debt. A ridiculous amount of money is continuing to be spent in the sector for housing. People need housing. It is the number one expense for all Canadians now across the board. We cannot continue to add more cost to the basic needs of shelter in our society, not to mention what is happening with food inflation in this country.
    Housing inflation is definitely something we have to get under control. The bill would do nothing of the sort. It would add costs, and those costs would be borne by Canadians. Let us think about the cost of debt per household in society. The cost of paying for debt is about $3,400 per household. The average rent in Calgary for a two-bedroom house is $1,700 per month, so every Canadian family in Calgary is actually paying two months' worth of rent to cover the interest being paid on the federal debt right now. This is an atrocious amount of money that adds to the cost of everything we have to pay in society at this point in time.
    It continues. This is just the federal level. Of course, there is provincial debt, municipal debt and corporate debt. There is also personal debt. The bill would do nothing to reduce the debt level that Canadians are facing. It would make things less affordable. It would make things worse for Canadians. We oppose it strongly.

Message from the Senate

     I have the honour to inform the House that a message has been received from the Senate informing this House that the Senate has passed the following bill to which the concurrence of the House is desired: Bill S-215, an act respecting national immigration month.

Private Members' Business

[Private Members' Business]

(1730)

[English]

Corrections and Conditional Release Act

    The House resumed from March 10 consideration of the motion that Bill C-232, An Act to amend the Corrections and Conditional Release Act (maximum security offenders), be read the second time and referred to a committee.
     Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of Bill C-232, introduced by my friend and colleague the member for Niagara Falls—Niagara-on-the-Lake, yet I do so with a deep sense of frustration because this legislation should not be necessary. Canada should have resolved this issue years ago.
    In my riding of Niagara South lies Lake Gibson, in the city of Thorold. Every time I cross the bridge over that water, I think of Kristen French and Leslie Mahaffy. I cannot cross it without remembering that that lake is where Paul Bernardo discarded the remains of two innocent young girls after subjecting them to unimaginable cruelty. The horror of those crimes is impossible to adequately express. For those of us who lived through that dark chapter in Niagara, the memory has never faded. It remains etched in the consciousness of our communities.
    That is why Canadians were outraged when, on May 29, 2023, Correctional Service Canada quietly transferred Paul Bernardo, a serial rapist, a sadistic torturer and a convicted murderer, from Millhaven Institution, a maximum-security penitentiary, to a minimum-security institution in rural Quebec. The families of Kristen French and Leslie Mahaffy learned of that decision only hours before it became public. There was no consultation, no meaningful explanation and no consideration for the anguish it would reopen. Their lawyer, Tim Danson, described the families as devastated. He said the transfer forced them to relive the worst moments of their lives all over again.
    Canadians across the country shared that outrage. Political leaders from every corner of this country condemned the decision. That unanimity mattered because it revealed something fundamental about Canadians: that regardless of political affiliation, most Canadians instinctively understood that the most dangerous and predatory offenders belong in maximum-security institutions. It is not out of vengeance or emotion but because justice, public safety and moral clarity demand it.
    Despite the national outrage, nothing has changed. Paul Bernardo remains in medium security to this day. Every time I cross that bridge at Lake Gibson, I am reminded that while Kristen French and Leslie Mahaffy lost their lives forever, the man who destroyed them now benefits from conditions that Canadians overwhelmingly believe are wholly inappropriate. That reality is not merely disappointing. It is profoundly shameful.
    Paul Bernardo is not simply a convicted murderer. He is a designated dangerous offender, a classification reserved for the most violent and persistently threatening individuals in Canadian society. Parliament created that designation precisely because certain offenders demonstrate such enduring brutality and such a high likelihood of future violence that extraordinary measures are justified to protect the public. Dangerous offender designations are not applied casually. They are rare. They carry indeterminate sentences because the courts recognize that these individuals cannot safely be trusted outside the strictest controls.
    What do these assessments continue to tell us about Paul Bernardo? A spousal risk assessment conducted in 2014 concluded that he posed a high probability of violence toward intimate partners and continued risk toward others. Clinical evaluations conducted decades into his incarceration identified ongoing psychological concerns and only intermittent progress. Experts concluded that he demonstrated little genuine rehabilitation and limited acceptance of and responsibility for his crimes.
    When Bernardo appeared before the Parole Board in 2024, parole was denied for a third time. The board cited the extreme violence of his offences, the serial nature of his crimes, his narcissistic personality traits and persistent concerns surrounding sexual recidivism. Correctional Service Canada itself has repeatedly opposed his release. Even the commissioner of CSC reportedly acknowledged that Bernardo continues to exhibit psychopathic characteristics. This is the offender whom our system deemed appropriate for medium security.
    At the centre of this controversy lies the principle within the Corrections and Conditional Release Act that requires inmates to be managed in the “least restrictive environment” consistent with public safety and institutional management. In principle, rehabilitation is an important goal of corrections policy. Canadians believe in rehabilitation where rehabilitation is genuinely possible, but that principle was never intended to be interpreted mechanically or blindly. It was never designed for sadistic sexual predators whose crimes rank among the worst in Canadian history and whose risk assessments continue to raise profound alarms decades later.
(1735)
     The dangerous offender designation represents Parliament's clearest declaration that certain individuals pose a uniquely persistent threat. Under the current system, however, that judicial finding can effectively be diluted through an administrative reclassification process driven by incremental behaviour metrics inside prison walls. That contradiction is precisely why Bill C‑232 is necessary.
    Tim Danson articulated this powerfully when he stated that sentencing reflects society's moral values and that prison placement must reflect those same values. Canadians understand intuitively that there are some crimes so monstrous, some offenders so dangerous and some harms so permanent that the only proportionate response is the highest level of confinement our correctional system can provide.
    This debate is not solely about offender management. It is also about the victims. For more than three decades, Debbie Mahaffy and Donna French have carried unimaginable grief. They have endured repeated parole hearings, legal battles, media attention and a consistent reopening of wounds that truly never heal. Their courage has been extraordinary, yet even after all these years, the system continues to place new burdens on them.
    In 2024, because Bernardo had been moved to a medium-security institution, logistical implications initially prevented the mothers from appearing in person at the parole hearing. Tim Danson described their reaction as “gut-wrenching”. He called it a devastating setback for victims' rights and an insult to the families who have already endured more suffering than most Canadians could imagine, and he was correct.
    There is a direct relationship between where dangerous offenders are housed and the rights available to victims. Prison placement affects access, participation, security arrangements and the ability of victims' families to confront the individuals responsible for their suffering. Friends of and advocates for Kristen French testified before a parliamentary committee that the system appeared to prioritize Bernardo's administrative rights over the rights of victims and survivors. Many Canadians believe they were right to say so.
    The Canadian Victims Bill of Rights guarantees victims the right to information, protection and meaningful participation in the justice system. Those principles cannot simply disappear when correctional classifications are reviewed behind closed doors. Bill C‑232 recognizes the reality by explicitly connecting victims' rights to decisions regarding the placement of dangerous offenders.
     Correctional Service Canada later reviewed Bernardo's transfer and concluded that the process had complied with the existing law and policy. It simultaneously acknowledged that the family should have received better notification. Those two conclusions are deeply revealing. If a process can be technically compliant while still producing an outcome that shocks the conscience of the nation, then the problem is no longer merely administrative. The problem is legislative. The law itself requires reform.
    Kristen French was 15 years old. Leslie Mahaffy was 14 years old. Their lives were stolen through acts of calculated evil that horrified an entire country. Decades later, their mothers are still fighting for dignity, for accountability and for a justice system that fully recognizes the magnitude of what was taken from them. Meanwhile, the offender responsible resides in a medium-security institution. Canadians know instinctively that this is wrong.
     The moral argument behind Bill C‑232 is not complicated. These are offenders whose crimes demonstrate such enduring depravity, such profound danger and such catastrophic harm that maximum security is not only appropriate but necessary, not temporarily, and not symbolically, but for as long as the threat posed continues to exist.
    Now is the time for our laws to reflect that reality consistently and unequivocally. We have a moral obligation to ensure that the most dangerous offenders in Canada remain behind maximum-security walls, commensurate with the horrific violence they inflicted upon innocent people.
    I ask my colleagues to pass this legislation. Let this Parliament send a clear and unmistakable message that Canada will never lose sight of its duty to victims, its obligation to public safety and its responsibility to ensure that the most dangerous criminals face the most secure confinement our justice system can provide.
(1740)
    Mr. Speaker, ensuring the safety and security of Canadians is a top priority for our government. Indeed, it is a top priority that is shared by all members of the House.
    Bill C-232 proposes new rules that would require dangerous offenders and those convicted of more than one first-degree murder to spend their entire sentence in a maximum-security environment. The bill maintains that doing so would support public safety.
    Our government stands with victims and all Canadians who want to keep our communities safe. We understand and appreciate the intent behind the legislation. That said, we believe the approach proposed in the bill has significant shortcomings.
    Firstly, the bill contradicts the very purpose and principles of the federal correctional system and its mandate to effectively rehabilitate and reintegrate offenders. The vast majority of offenders re-enter society after serving their sentences. The goal is to ensure that they do so as law-abiding, productive members of our communities. Punishment alone does not make our communities safer. We must also focus on rehabilitation.
    The current Corrections and Conditional Release Act is carefully designed to balance punishment, public safety and the eventual reintegration of offenders. The act is designed to ensure that an offender's transfer to medium or minimum security only occurs when they no longer pose an undue risk to society and where they can be safely managed.
    All transfer decisions are based on comprehensive professional assessments by case management teams, psychiatrists and security professionals. Bill C-232 would undermine the expertise of our corrections professionals and tie the hands of those responsible for managing these offenders. Maximum-security institutions are, by necessity, highly restrictive environments focused primarily on containment. They offer fewer opportunities for offenders to access the programs required, such as education, domestic violence and substance abuse treatment, and job and skills training, to address their criminality.
    Based on years of evidence, we know that access to these programs is a proven tool for reforming criminal behaviour. Programs like these are more readily available in minimum-security institutions. By keeping offenders in maximum security longer than necessary, we are preventing offenders with determinate sentences from getting the treatment and skills training they need to re-enter society safely upon their release.
    In other words, by mandating that offenders remain in maximum security regardless of their behaviour, programming success or reduction in risk, we would, in fact, achieve the very opposite of the stated purpose of the bill. Keeping offenders in maximum-security prisons does not mean that they will never re-enter society. It means that we are failing in our responsibilities to ensure that offenders are effectively rehabilitated and able to safely reintegrate when they eventually re-enter the community.
    Under Bill C-232, we would, in effect, be less safe because individuals would go directly from maximum security to release into the community without any chance of rehabilitation. Furthermore, limiting access to the programs that offenders require to address their criminality would ultimately make our institutions less safe. It could create increased tension, anger and behavioural issues that would lead to more violence in our prisons. This would also put staff and those who work in these environments at risk.
    The government is also concerned that Bill C-232 would be likely to exacerbate the experience of indigenous people in maximum security. It would further limit their access to culturally appropriate interventions and programming, as well as conditional releases. Furthermore, the bill would create significant charter concerns because of its application to current inmates and its ability to negatively impact their prospects for conditional release.
(1745)
    An offender's classification must be a dynamic process, not a static label that is assigned at the time of their sentencing.
     Let me be clear: Our government agrees that we need tough sentences for violent criminals. Indeed, when individuals have committed serious crimes, they must serve their time. The bill makes for catchy sound bites and clips, but our responsibility to Canadians is to pursue policies that will actually make our communities safer. Evidence has shown that effective rehabilitation and reintegration programming are an essential part of ensuring public safety.
    Under the existing system, an offender is placed in maximum security when they pose a threat to the public, to staff or to the security of the institution, and they remain there until their risk factors are mitigated. Objective risk assessments must first prove it is safe before any easing of restrictions can occur. Even then, they occur gradually and are closely monitored.
     Bill C-232 would make our communities less safe, because it puts political will ahead of evidence of what works most effectively to increase public safety. Canadians deserve better. For those reasons, I urge all members to vote against Bill C-232.

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, rehabilitation and social reintegration are foundational features of the Canadian correctional system. People commit various crimes, some more serious than others. The goal is always to put these individuals behind bars. Part of the reason for that is punishment, but there is also considerable emphasis on rehabilitation to ensure that, when they are released from prison, they are less dangerous than when they entered. Rehabilitation and social reintegration are the hallmarks of a successful correctional system.
    As I was saying, an inmate who is released without having been rehabilitated poses a significant risk to society. With few exceptions, these people always get out of prison eventually. Some die behind bars, but the vast majority are released from prison at some point. What we want is for them to be as harmless as possible at that time. Rehabilitation is therefore essential.
    I am not a social worker or a criminologist, and I do not have the expertise to discuss the merits of rehabilitation or the best way to rehabilitate someone. However, I believe that weekends of freedom, after which people have to return to the institution, along with vocational training and all those other measures, are part of a comprehensive set of initiatives designed to help rehabilitate individuals and help them reintegrate into society at the end of their sentence.
    The bill seeks to increase the security classification for certain crimes. We can agree that these are some of the most serious crimes. However, the consequence of this is that these individuals will not be able to benefit from adequate rehabilitation measures. In a way, we are shooting ourselves in the foot by doing this.
    I understand that this bill stems from a number of cases that are, quite frankly, scandals. These cases shocked almost everybody. I am thinking of Paul Bernardo and Luka Rocco Magnotta, who committed heinous crimes. Reacting to these crimes is a normal human response. However, I think that, as legislators, we must be careful not to pass laws simply in response to scandalous cases that are condemned by just about everyone in society. Laws must apply to society as a whole and not become a type of revenge or protection in the face of isolated cases that should be relatively rare.
    I am not just talking about Paul Bernardo or Luka Rocco Magnotta. There are other cases as well. I am thinking of Claude Paquin, who was acquitted in 2024 in connection with two murders for which he had been found guilty 41 years earlier. This person spent 41 years in prison unnecessarily. There is also the case of Daniel Jolivet, who was convicted of four murders. The director of criminal and penal prosecutions recently stated that there may have been a miscarriage of justice. This person also spent many years in prison.
    It is not easy, and I do not blame the system. I understand that nothing is perfect. We all dream of perfect justice, which would penalize only criminals and free all innocent people. However, that justice would be neither human nor possible. We have to accept that there will always be a certain number of errors to deal with.
    If we admit that there will be a certain number of errors and acknowledge the system's weakness in isolated cases, I think it is best to try to get the most conclusive results. It is important to ensure that the reaction is not to penalize two or three specific individuals. It is important to ensure that our system makes it possible to rehabilitate people who have been found guilty. The system has to make it so that society is a safer place when these people get out of prison, since they are no longer in the same state of mind as when they went in.
(1750)
    Security classifications are currently assigned based on an inmate's behaviour. An inmate who behaves well in prison may have their security classification adjusted to reflect that good behaviour. This can allow them to be released on weekends. It can open up certain opportunities for them and contribute to their rehabilitation, as I mentioned earlier.
    When it comes to granting parole or conditional release, professional expertise is available. Criminologists and many other professionals can testify before the Parole Board of Canada to explain which areas an individual needs to work on and whether or not they should be released. This process, which involves adjusting security classifications based on the inmate's good behaviour and relying on professional expertise before deciding how and when to release them, is one of the strengths of our justice system. It contributes to the rehabilitation of convicts, which in turn assures us that, when they are released from prison, they will be better off than when they went in.
    There is another issue that I wanted to address. My Liberal colleague mentioned it earlier. What Bill C-232 seeks to do could well be deemed unconstitutional if it were to be challenged in court. We know that the Supreme Court of Canada has already ruled that cruel and unusual punishment is unconstitutional. In this case, could designating an individual as a maximum security offender and taking away pretty much all hope of ever getting out of prison not be considered cruel and unusual punishment? I think it could be. I think that this bill leans too heavily on the punitive aspects of our justice system, and the risk is significant. If the Supreme Court has to strike down these provisions on constitutional grounds, Charter grounds, we would likely end up in a worse situation than we are in already.
    The Bloc Québécois stands in solidarity with the victims of these monsters, and I believe that monsters is the right word. They committed heinous crimes. I do not know anyone who would condone these crimes. We stand in solidarity with these victims, but we want to avoid falling into the trap where we throw the baby out with the bathwater, as the saying goes. There are isolated cases of individuals that we have to deal with, and we are already dealing with them. I think that the justice system ensures that these people are detained and prevents them from becoming a danger to the public. However, we must not build the entire body of Canadian legislation around these isolated cases.
    We denounce criminals, we condemn them, we support victims and we stand in solidarity with them, but we refuse to embark on a legal process based on revenge. That would be misguided. As far as I am concerned, rehabilitation and the social reintegration of people who have committed crimes is the path we must continue to follow. That path can be improved, though. I agree. I think there is a lack of statistics on rehabilitation, for example. Do the measures taken in prison to rehabilitate inmates and ensure their reintegration into society have a positive effect or not? It is unclear. At the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights, we have questioned numerous experts about this issue on numerous occasions. We have too few statistics. That aspect of our prison system could benefit from further study; it could probably be improved.
    Let us stay on the right path that we have set out on, work to improve that path and avoid falling into the trap of revenge, which would only hurt us.
(1755)

[English]

     Mr. Speaker, I am truly honoured to rise today to debate an absolutely crucial piece of legislation that seeks to restore justice to Canada's correctional services system. It would ensure the most dangerous offenders and mass murderers receive the punishment they absolutely deserve.
    I want to start by thanking my colleague, the member for Niagara Falls—Niagara-on-the-Lake, for introducing this bill, an act that would amend the Corrections and Conditional Release Act.
    This legislation is a common-sense response to growing concerns among Canadians that after 11 years of the Liberal government, our justice system is failing them and their families.
    In May 2023, under the Liberal government, Correctional Services Canada transferred convicted serial killer and rapist Paul Bernardo from a maximum- to a medium-security prison. As many would know, Bernardo is the monster responsible for the abduction and deaths of Kristen French, Leslie Mahaffy and Tammy Homolka and the assault of dozens of innocent women. For the friends, families and communities of the victims, his release from maximum security was a traumatizing injustice.
    Sadly, after over a decade of Liberal weak-on-crime laws, this is not an isolated incident. It is simply a sad pattern. Sadistic sex killer Luka Magnotta; the brutal murderer of eight-year-old Tori Stafford, Michael Rafferty; serial rapist Russell Williams; and convicted triple murderers Dellen Millard and Mark Smich are to name a few.
    All these criminals are the worst of the worst, dangerous offenders who the Liberals have allowed to be released from maximum- and transferred to medium-security prisons. While there, they enjoy the comforts of hockey rinks, tennis courts, television and movies, while their victims' families grieve and bravely remember their loved ones every single day. They truly receive a life sentence.
     This is precisely why Bill C‑232 is so important. The bill would amend the release act to require that dangerous offenders and those convicted of more than one count of first-degree murder be assigned to maximum-security prisons. It marks a step toward a balanced justice system.
    The legislation would make two meaningful changes. First, it would bring back just, proportional language to the act. Bill C‑232 would reinstate the legal standard for prison assignments as “only the necessary restrictions” language that was successfully implemented under the Harper government in 2012.
    Of course, in 2019, the Liberals had to gut that. Bill C‑83 amended the legal standard to be the least restrictive environment. When asked about the impact of this weak standard, the former director general of the corrections and criminal justice directorate at Public Safety Canada said, “The Conservatives are absolutely right. Of course it contributed to Mr. Bernardo's transfer, because it is a principle that underlies all decisions...a fundamental one.” Reversing the detrimental impact of Bill C‑83 is crucial to rebalancing the Liberals' crooked sentencing regime.
    Second, Bill C‑232 would make it absolutely mandatory for dangerous offenders like Bernardo, Millard, Smich, Magnotta and Rafferty to be sentenced to maximum-security institutions. Sadly, only 13% of dangerous offenders in Canada are currently housed in maximum-security prisons.
    In 2023, of the 736 classified dangerous offenders in our country, 580 of them were classified to medium-security environments. Nearly 90% of dangerous offenders are currently housed in minimum-security or medium-security prisons.
(1800)
     In November 2025, Dellen Millard, the convicted triple murderer of his father, Laura Babcock and Tim Bosma, was transferred from a maximum- to medium-security prison. I echo Tim Bosma's family's question: “If a three-time convicted 1st degree murderer is rewarded for ‘good behaviour’ in the Canadian penal system and moved to a lower security prison, who then is filling the maximum security prisons? White collar criminals?” It does not add up.
     On this side of the House, Conservatives are listening. Bill C‑232 is a response to the outrageous pattern of loose security classifications from the CSC. Police and victim advocates recognize this bill as a long-overdue step towards victim protection and bringing back confidence in our justice system. Niagara Regional Police Service Chief Bill Fordy sees every day the impact of violent crime on our victims and communities and the value of these discussions. Police and law enforcement officials across Canada understand the importance of building back a justice system that Canadians can trust.
     Alicia Googoo, a survivor of childhood violence and founder of the advocacy organization, Our Heart on Our Sleeve, understands the risks of failing to take dangerous offenders seriously. She urged Parliament to act, saying that public safety and accountability “have consequences for real children, families and survivors.”
     When Paul Bernardo was transferred in 2023, members of the Union of Canadian Correctional Officers in Quebec and Ontario were baffled by the decision, calling on the Liberal government to make a change. It did not. Tim Danson, lawyer for the victims' families, was clear that “legislative refinement” is warranted when it comes to Canada's most dangerous offenders, yet time and time again these Liberals ignore Canadians' call to action. The Liberals claim to be tough on crime, but they repeatedly support legislation that hollows out our justice system and prioritizes offenders' rights over victims' rights.
    Bill C‑14 would preserve the principle of restraint that allows violent offenders to walk free and terrorize their communities. Bill C‑16 introduces a mandatory minimum safety valve, fundamentally undermining the deterrence and denunciation of MMPs and essentially handing criminals a “get out of jail free” card.
     What is more, the Liberals claim to have changed, but the truth is that they are the exact same Liberals with the exact same policies as the past 11 years. When Bernardo was released from maximum-security prison, the Liberal public safety minister at the time absolved himself of responsibility. He claimed to have no idea the transfer was coming, which no one believed, and absolutely failed to remedy the impact of this decision for Canadians. Thanks to relentless pressure from the Conservatives, the minister was shuffled out of cabinet, surely for this decision, yet the decision itself was never reversed. After that, the disgraced minister went on to be rewarded as the current Prime Minister's chief of staff. The Liberals now have an opportunity to finally reverse course. By supporting this legislation, the government could finally mean it when the Liberals say they have changed, that it is a new Liberal government and they want to keep Canadians safe.
     In 2022, homicides reached the highest rate in 30 years. In January 2026, an Angus Reid poll found that 62% of Canadians believe crime has been rising in their communities over the last five years and do not feel safe. Now more than ever, we must protect our communities, safeguard victims' rights and stand up against the most evil offenders in the system. In the words of Marcia Penner, Kristen French's childhood friend, to Bernardo's accomplice, “You will never win. Kristen, Leslie, and Tammy win. Their memories are very much alive and will be forever.... These girls will always be remembered, loved, and cherished.” Bill C‑232 exists to protect those memories.
(1805)
     Before we resume debate, I will just remind members that when they are in the chamber, they are required to wear a jacket. Even if it is getting a little toasty in here, jackets are still required in the House.
     Resuming debate, the hon. member for Nanaimo—Ladysmith.
     Mr. Speaker, when I was growing up, my childhood home backed onto a ravine. It sat near the end of a long street, with no houses for the first few hundred metres. In the winter, I would get off the bus in the dark and walk that stretch home alone.
     As a teenager, every sound felt sharp and every shadow felt close, because I knew, thanks to the nightly news, that there was a man out there attacking girls like me. They called him the “Scarborough Rapist.” I lived in North York, but the ravines are all connected. I was terrified, even as I tried not to show it. I learned to be careful, to hurry home, to put my key between my fingers, to watch behind me and to never assume that I was safe.
     Paul Bernardo never touched me. I never met him. However, he was truly one of the monsters of my childhood. His heinous crimes destroyed families and changed the way a generation of girls moved through the world. He taught us fear before we even had the words to explain it. If my heart rate goes up and if my stomach tightens when I think of Paul Bernardo in a medium-security prison, I cannot imagine how the families of the young women and girls he raped, tortured and murdered feel about it. For them, this is not an abstract fear. It is a gaping wound that never closes.
    Today, I rise in strong support of Bill C-232, an act to amend the Corrections and Conditional Release Act, brought forward by my hon. colleague, the member for Niagara Falls—Niagara-on-the-Lake. This bill is clear, modest and necessary. It says that when an offender has been found by a court to be a dangerous offender or when an offender has been convicted of more than one first-degree murder, that person will be classified as maximum security and will remain in a maximum-security penitentiary or a maximum-security area of the penitentiary. This should not be controversial.
     In fact, most Canadians I speak to are shocked to learn that it is not already the law. It would have been, except that in 2019, these Liberals passed Bill C-83, which legally requires Correctional Service Canada to place an inmate in the penitentiary that provides the least restrictive environment for that person. While CSC can consider the offender's current institutional behaviour, escape risk, public safety risk if they escape and program participation, it cannot ask whether an offender's crimes are so monstrous that maximum security should be permanent.
     If the offender behaves in prison, they are assessed as manageable. If officials conclude they do not currently need maximum control, they can be reclassified. That is how a person can commit the most horrific crimes imaginable and still be moved down to medium security. CSC did not violate the law when it moved Paul Bernardo to medium security. Following public outrage over Mr. Bernardo's transfer, a review concluded the transfer was sound, and followed both law and policy. That means that law and policy are the problem here.
     We have to be honest about what prison behaviour can and cannot tell us. Often, the most dangerous offenders are not dangerous because they cannot control themselves; they are dangerous because they can. They can be patient, they can be charming and they can follow rules when it benefits them. We have heard all of this at committee. A clean institutional record does not erase sadism, predation or the court's finding that a person is a dangerous offender, but it can get the move to medium security.
     For victims' families, this is unbearable. These families sit through trials, they hear the evidence, they mourn daughters, sisters and friends, and they learn how they were tortured, raped and killed. They live with a life sentence of grief. They cannot unhear what they hear in those courtrooms. Then they learn that the offender has been moved to a lower-security institution, because the focus has shifted from the horror of the offence to the offender's current institutional score. That is not justice, as most Canadians understand it.
(1810)
     Let us be clear about what maximum security means here. It is not about revenge, and it is not cruelty or a rejection of basic human rights. It is a recognition that some offenders have crossed a line so grave that public safety, public confidence and respect for victims demand it.
     A dangerous offender designation is one of the most serious findings a Canadian court can make. It is reserved for offenders who have shown a pattern of serious violence, sexual violence or conduct so brutal that they pose an ongoing threat to the public. Likewise, first-degree murder is planned and deliberate, and it falls into the most serious categories of homicide known in our laws. A person convicted of more than one first-degree murder has not made a tragic mistake. That person has taken multiple lives with intent.
     Bill C-232 would draw an important line that says dangerous offenders and offenders convicted of more than one first-degree murder must be assigned a maximum-security classification and they must be confined in a maximum-security penitentiary or a maximum-security area of a penitentiary. It would ensure that these offenders are not eligible for unescorted temporary absences. This bill would clearly tell Correctional Service Canada that for a very narrow class of the worst offenders, including household names such as Bernardo, Magnotta and Smich, maximum security is not optional; it is mandatory.
    Since being elected, I have spent more time than I ever thought I would with grieving families. I am stunned by the scope and scale of violence against women and girls in this country. I had no idea of the extent to which the Liberal government had tipped the scales in favour of offenders, leaving victims and their families to be traumatized and retraumatized. I am against telling women and girls, or their families, that the people who terrorized them, hunted them, raped them or murdered them can one day be managed in a less restrictive environment because enough time has passed or they are playing well with others behind bars.
    I want to thank the member for Niagara Falls—Niagara-on-the-Lake for bringing this bill forward. He has done something important. He has taken the outrage that Canadians feel over cases like those of Bernardo, Magnotta and Smich, who, to the best of my knowledge, all remain in medium-security correctional environments today, and turned it into a practical, legal response. That is what we were sent here to do.
    Just this weekend, while at home, I met with a woman who spoke to me about violence, fear and the need for leaders to take domestic violence and violence against children and women seriously. I made her a promise that I would stand up in this place, use my voice and not allow these issues to be softened, buried or explained away by bureaucratic language and fancy legal concepts. Today, by supporting Bill C-232, I am keeping that promise, because violence against women is not an abstraction and violence against children is not a talking point. These are wounds carried by families, communities and survivors who need to know that people in this place are prepared to act.
    Bill C-232 would not undo the evil committed by Bernardo, Smich, Magnotta and others, whose names Canadians invoke with horror, nor would it bring back Leslie Mahaffy, Kristen French, Laura Babcock, Tim Bosma, Jun Lin or any other victim, but it would say that some crimes are so grave and some offenders are so dangerous that maximum security means maximum security. It would also say to every woman, parent, survivor and grieving family watching this debate that their fear is not irrational, their grief is not forgotten and their Parliament has a duty to stand with them.
    I urge every member of the House to support Bill C-232.
(1815)
     Mr. Speaker, it is an honour to rise in this House today to speak to legislation that would help restore Canadians' confidence in our criminal justice system and the institutions responsible for keeping our communities safe.
    My colleague from Niagara Falls—Niagara-on-the-Lake introduced Bill C-232 after hearing directly from the loved ones of victims who were stunned and outraged by a phone call they received from the Correctional Service of Canada, which informed them that Paul Bernardo, a convicted serial killer and rapist, was being transferred from a maximum-security institution in Ontario to a medium-security institution in Quebec. Like many Canadians, they could not understand how such a decision could be made. They felt betrayed by a system that seemed to place the interests of dangerous offenders ahead of the rights, concerns and dignity of the victims and their families.
    The legislation is about accountability, transparency and ensuring that victims are never treated as an afterthought. Canadians deserve to have the confidence that our justice system puts public safety first and respects those who have suffered the most at the hands of violent criminals.
     The decision to move Paul Bernardo from a maximum-security institution to a medium-security institution not only left the country shocked, but revictimized the victims' families, friends and communities. As a member of Parliament from the Niagara area, or my riding of Hamilton East—Stoney Creek, specifically, which is close to the member's riding and the GTA, this bill hits home. I am sure it does for many around the GTA. The lasting memories of the atrocities Paul Bernardo committed are still felt around our region.
    That is why we have introduced Bill C-232. It is to fix a problem that should never have existed in the first place. Canadians expect that the country's most dangerous criminals, who have committed horrific acts and been designated by the courts as dangerous offenders, are to remain in maximum-security institutions, yet under the current system, offenders such as Paul Bernardo have been permitted to move from a maximum-security institution to a less restrictive one. That is not what victims' families expect. It is not what Canadians expect. This bill would ensure that dangerous offenders and mass murderers remain where they belong: in maximum-security prisons. It would require that all of these offenders be permanently classified as maximum security and housed accordingly.
    The bill would also reverse the Liberals' so-called “least restrictive environment” standard that was introduced in Bill C-83 in 2018. The Liberals' soft-on-crime policies have shifted the focus away from public safety and victims and toward the interests of offenders. It is time to put public safety and victims at the top of the priority list again. Canadians want a justice system that puts public safety first and respects victims and their families, and they want common-sense rules that ensure that the worst offenders face consequences reflecting the severity of their crimes. That is exactly what Bill C-232 seeks to accomplish.
    In addition to reversing the Liberals' weak policies, Bill C-232 would restore a more balanced and common-sense approach to corrections by bringing back the principle of “only the necessary restrictions” that was established by the previous Conservative government through the Safe Streets and Communities Act of 2012. That legislation recognized the simple but important reality that the primary responsibility of our correctional system is to protect the public, maintain safety and security and ensure that offenders are held appropriately accountable for their actions. One would think that is a common-sense statement, but the Liberal government has been moving further and further away from that since it introduced Bill C-83 in 2018, which placed greater emphasis on providing offenders with the least restrictive conditions possible.
    Bill C-232 would help restore the balance that Canadians expect, put public safety back at the centre of correctional decision-making and ensure that the rights of victims and the concerns of Canadians are not overshadowed by the interests of violent offenders.
     This bill has found support across the board from both the police and victim advocates. Marcia Penner, the victim's rights advocate and friend of Kristen French, one of Paul Bernardo's victims, said:
    As someone whose life has been forever impacted by violent crime, I know first-hand that victims and their families carry the consequences of these horrific acts every day. Canadians expect the most dangerous offenders to remain in maximum-security institutions, and Bill C-232 helps restore that common-sense principle while respecting the voices of victims.
(1820)
    Chief of Police Bill Fordy, of the Niagara Regional Police Service, said:
    Community safety is strengthened when we continue to have thoughtful conversations about how our justice system responds to serious and repeat offenders. Police officers see every day the impact violent crime can have on victims and our entire community, which is why these discussions matter. Our focus remains on protecting the public while supporting victims and maintaining confidence in the justice system.
    Enough is enough. For too long, victims' families have felt ignored by a system that seems more concerned with the rights of offenders than with the pain left behind by their crimes. Every time a dangerous offender is rewarded with a transfer to a less restrictive institution, victims' families are forced to relive the worst moments of their lives. They are reminded that their loved ones will never come home, while the person responsible continues to receive privileges and consideration from the very system that failed them. This is not justice.
    Canadians understand that individuals like Paul Bernardo committed crimes so horrific that they forever changed the lives of countless families. Those families deserve to know that the people responsible will remain in maximum-security custody, where they belong.
    I stand here today because I promised the families in my community that I would do everything in my power to make it safer. I promised them that their voices would be heard in this chamber.
     Bill C‑232 is about restoring faith in our institutions. putting public safety first and ensuring that victims and their families are treated with the dignity and respect they deserve. I ask all members of the House to join me in supporting this legislation. Together, we can send the clear message that victims matter and public safety matters, and some crimes are so horrific that the offenders responsible should never be rewarded with less restrictive conditions.
    Most importantly, we can honour the memories of those whose lives were taken far too soon and stand with the families who continue to carry that loss every single day.
     I offer the hon. member for Niagara Falls—Niagara-on-the-Lake his right of reply.
    Mr. Speaker, it is an honour to rise in the chamber today to share some final thoughts on my private member's bill, Bill C-232, before we conclude second reading debate and proceed to an eventual vote.
    When I first introduced this bill in the 44th Parliament as Bill C-342, I made a promise to my constituents to see what I could do to help correct a bad policy decision made by the Liberal government in 2019, when it passed C-83. Reintroducing this bill in this Parliament is evidence of my continued commitment to fulfill that promise to my constituents.
    If passed, Bill C-232 would require inmates who have been found to be dangerous offenders or convicted of more than one first-degree murder to be assigned a security classification of “maximum” and confined in a maximum-security penitentiary or area in a penitentiary. This legislation should be seen as non-partisan and a common-sense legislative response to the concerns expressed by many of our constituents.
    This is about doing what is right by ensuring that criminal monsters, such as Paul Bernardo, Mark Smich, Dellen Millard and Luka Magnotta, are returned to serve their sentences in a maximum-security penitentiary where they rightly belong.
     Earlier in this debate, my Bloc colleague expressed concerns that the bill targets only a single case. It does not, as I demonstrated by the list of notorious criminal names I have just read into this record. My Bloc colleague also expressed concerns about CSC's judgment and that sometimes the justice system makes mistakes. I agree with this. In fact, that is the very reason why this bill is being debated today. It was a mistake by the CSC to transfer Paul Bernardo from maximum to medium security. That needs to be corrected.
    Downgrading the security classification of these criminal monsters is not justice. It is an injustice to victims and their loved ones. The victims in these cases had their lives stolen, and their surviving loved ones have no choice but to endure a lifetime of pain and hurt.
    I also wish to take a moment to address some of the things we heard and did not hear from the Liberal members taking part in this debate.
     Earlier in this debate, my Liberal colleagues spent a lot of time talking about rehabilitation. I would like the Liberals to clarify if they think criminal monsters like Paul Bernardo can be rehabilitated. Let us not forget that former CSC commissioner Anne Kelly, when she appeared before the public safety committee, called Paul Bernardo a “psychopath”. This bill clearly targets the worst of the worst dangerous offenders in Canada. Do the Liberals truly believe Paul Bernardo should be or deserves to be rehabilitated?
    Sadly, too often in this splendid place we hear why things cannot be done and why we cannot make this type of change. Instead, let us muster our political will, courage and leadership to bring about this important change.
    My constituent, Marcia Penner, a victims' rights advocate and friend of Kristen French, supports this change. She said, “As someone whose life has been forever impacted by violent crime, I know firsthand that victims and their families carry the consequences of these horrific acts every day. Canadians expect the most dangerous offenders to remain in maximum-security institutions, and Bill C-232 helps restore that common-sense principle while respecting the voices of victims.”
(1825)
    Alicia Googoo, the founder of the victims' rights organization Our Heart on Our Sleeve, had this to say about Bill C-232. She said, “As a survivor, I understand the lasting fear and trauma that violent offenders can leave behind. I know the dangers that can exist when society fails to take the risks posed by the most dangerous offenders seriously. Bill C-232 sends a clear message that public safety matters and that the protection of Canadians must remain a priority.”
    I sincerely hope my colleagues across party lines will strongly consider, and reconsider, their positions and vote in favour of Bill C-232 so that this important legislative move can be brought forward for study at committee.
(1830)
    It being 6:30 p.m., the time provided for debate has now expired.
    Accordingly, the question is on the motion.
    If a member participating in person wishes that the motion be carried or carried on division, or if a member of a recognized party participating in person wishes to request a recorded division, I would invite them to rise and indicate it to the Chair.
     Mr. Speaker, I request a recorded division.
    Pursuant to Standing Order 93, the division stands deferred until Wednesday, June 10, at the expiry of the time provided for Oral Questions.

Government Orders

[Government Orders]

[English]

Build Canada Homes Act

    The House resumed consideration of the motion that Bill C-20, An Act respecting the establishment of Build Canada Homes, be read the third time and passed.
     Mr. Speaker, what we have seen today is the Conservative Party take the position of continuing to deny Canadians the opportunity to have a national housing strategy or a program that incorporates Build Canada Homes, which is there to support Canadians in a very real and tangible way.
    Does the member, in principle, support a national government addressing a national issue by providing mechanisms to ensure that the issues can in fact be resolved—
    The hon. member for Calgary Centre.
     Mr. Speaker, I do not appreciate the narrative that we are denying Canadians a solution. The Liberal government, for 11 years now, has made several attempts to resolve this issue by addressing the problem that they see with homelessness and with housing in Canada, and they have only made matters worse over the last 11 years.
    The Liberals have to accept failure at some point in time and realize that the best thing to do is probably to get rid of the infrastructure we have for housing here in Ottawa and transfer the funds to the province, which would be more adept at solving the problem than the government has proven to be.

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, I would like to ask my colleague a question in the same vein.
    Earlier in my speech, I said that the government was adding a layer of bureaucracy. In the past, there used to be programs managed by the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation, or CMHC.
    In my riding, I see a lot of social housing development projects that are unfortunately not being funded. They have funding from Quebec through the Société d'habitation du Québec, or SHQ, but they have not received federal funding for several months because they have been asked to wait for Build Canada Homes. CMHC used to be able to provide funding, however.
    Does my colleague agree that there is an added layer of complexity here? Perhaps he is seeing the same type of problem in his own riding, where projects are ready to move forward but are being held up by the slow federal government.
    Mr. Speaker, that is a very good question from my colleague.
    That is exactly the issue. If an application comes from a Province of Alberta or City of Calgary organization, it has to have support from the provincial government.
    After that, there is another form at the federal level. It requires the organization to put in a lot of time, effort and money. It is a waste of time, human resources and money.
    It would be better if there were a single process for applying for housing grants in Canada.

[English]

     Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for his insight on this new Build Canada Homes bill.
    We have two Crown corporations: the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation, and the Canada Lands Company. However, over the past 11 years, the Liberals have failed to make use of those two corporations, and now they are pushing for another bureaucracy under the name of Build Canada Homes.
    Why are the Liberals so adamant on adding more bureaucracy instead of focusing on results and focusing on the real needs of Canadians, which are affordable homes?
(1835)
    Mr. Speaker, I am getting a great deal of great questions on the subject today. Answering the question goes a little deep into the weeds, so I apologize ahead of time to my colleagues on both sides of the House.
    The reason the government is setting up all these Crown corporations right now is that Crown corporations have their own balance sheets at the end of the day, and those balance sheets are not included in the government's balance sheet, believe it or not.
    The government is $1.4 trillion in debt right now. However, it has borrowed almost $2 trillion. Where is the other $600 billion? It is on the balance sheets of and borrowed by all the Crown corporations, which have a lack of accountability practices. We have proven in the House many times that there are a whole bunch of expenditures that should have been written off by those organizations that continue to rest in their balance sheets.
    The cost to Canadians, at the end of the day, is going to be huge. The actual debt we are paying interest on is $2 trillion. This is going to make that even higher still.
     Mr. Speaker, I will be sharing my time with the member for Rivière-des-Mille-Îles.
     I am pleased to have this opportunity to discuss the Government of Canada's Build Canada Homes act, specifically the importance that Build Canada Homes has in relation to supporting the Canadian economy and the federal government's buy Canadian policy.
     Since September of 2025, Build Canada Homes has been a special operating agency within Housing, Infrastructure and Communities Canada. Working quickly and efficiently, this new federal agency has already made significant progress to deliver more affordable housing for Canadians. As a Crown corporation, Build Canada Homes would have the flexibility and operational autonomy to deliver on its mandate, all while maintaining a clear accountability framework to Parliament. That is why the Build Canada Homes act is landmark legislation.
     The Government of Canada needs to strengthen its capacity to address Canada's housing crisis, improve housing supply and accelerate innovation in homebuilding. Far too many Canadians are struggling to find a home they can afford. Housing costs are creating havoc, and productivity in the construction sector is low.
     Traditional construction and funding approaches alone are not delivering the scale or speed Canadians need. Build Canada Homes will centralize functions that were previously spread across multiple departments, agencies and programs that limited the government's ability to have maximum impact. It will act as a developer, a financier, a convenor and a catalyst for a more productive homebuilding sector. Canadians need more homes, and the Build Canada Homes act would help make it possible to build more quickly, more efficiently and at the scale that is required.
     The global trade landscape is rapidly changing. In response, we are building a more resilient and more independent Canadian economy. At the core of this strategy is an ambitious plan to construct nation-building projects, more affordable homes and stronger local infrastructure. We are forging strong relationships among all levels of government, municipal, territorial and provincial, and with indigenous partners. We are making strategic investments to build a stronger, more sustainable economy that works towards cutting red tape, eliminating barriers to international trade and making new deals that will drive local economies. This will in turn require a strong skilled trades workforce.
    That is why, on April 29, as part of the spring economic update, the Prime Minister announced team Canada strong. This is a $6-billion nationwide effort that will recruit, train and hire 80,000 to 100,000 new Red Seal trade workers in the next five years. Team Canada strong will transform the skilled trades and bring more apprentices into the workforce. It will ensure that young Canadians are ready to build the housing and infrastructure that we need. It will create new jobs, good careers and strengthen Canada's future workforce.
    The Government of Canada is taking decisive action now, making Canada's economy one of the fastest-growing and most competitive in the world and ushering in a new era of economic security and prosperity for Canadians. The Government of Canada, also building on the solid foundation of strong industries, will do so by promoting the buy Canadian policy.
    As a Crown corporation, Build Canada Homes would be funded through the initial envelope of $13 billion that was announced in budget 2025. It is designed to bring federal supports for affordable housing together in one place, working in tandem with other government departments and organizations. It would move quickly to leverage federal land, support innovative building approaches and partner broadly across sectors to deliver affordable homes.
    Build Canada Homes is a key part of Canada's new industrial strategy, driving a more productive homebuilding sector. Build Canada Homes will prioritize projects that use Canadian-made materials such as mass timber, lumber, steel and aluminum. It will promote modern construction methods such as modular and prefabricated housing to reduce build times, material waste and environmental impact.
    The federal government is leveraging key stakeholder relationships with private developers, businesses and community and not-for-profit organizations, as well as with other government and indigenous partners. By working together, we are creating job opportunities here at home and supporting the Canadian workforce. Together, we are building stronger communities and a stronger Canada.
(1840)
    The Government of Canada introduced a new buy Canadian policy framework, effective as of December 16, 2025. The policy leverages federal investments by prioritizing Canadian domestic suppliers, content and materials to help make Canada's economy stronger, more resilient to global shocks and better able to support Canadian workers and businesses. The policy is comprehensive, covering not only direct purchasing but also the breadth of federal investments. It is being applied by federal departments, agencies and Crown corporations.
    Build Canada Homes adheres to the Government of Canada's buy Canadian policy. It will do so by strengthening domestic supply chains, and every new home will mean more demand for Canadian steel, lumber and aluminum, helping workers and businesses thrive. The buy Canadian policy also provides flexibility and a framework for recognizing the provinces and territories, which may also apply their similar standards. These changes to procurement rules will help Canadian industries become more self-sufficient and resilient to changes in the global economy.
     The buy Canadian policy supports strategic sectors, such as the Canadian construction and defence industries, and it applies to projects such as buildings, bridges, aircraft parts and much more. It requires that large federal construction and defence purchases use Canadian-produced steel, aluminum and wood products.
     The Government of Canada is also increasing economic opportunities for first nation, Inuit and Métis businesses. Through the federal procurement process, federal departments and agencies are required to ensure that a minimum of 5% of the total value of contracts be held by indigenous businesses. This includes businesses owned and operated by elder, band and tribal councils; businesses registered in the Government of Canada's indigenous business directory; or businesses registered on a modern treaty beneficiary business list.
     Through the new buy Canadian policy, we are making the government a force of nation building, becoming our own best customer, protecting Canadian businesses and empowering our workers through high-paying careers that build prosperity at home.
     The Government of Canada is moving forward with legislation such as the Build Canada Homes act in order to build strength at home. We are investing in Canadian industries and creating more jobs as a result. Build Canada Homes is a part of the federal government's strategic effort to invest in our modern nation, protect Canadian interests and make our economy one of the strongest in the G7. By making Build Canada Homes a Crown corporation, the Government of Canada would be better placed to ensure that Canadians have access to affordable housing. Across the country, we want to build more homes quickly and efficiently using Canadian materials, Canadian workers and Canadian businesses.
    The Build Canada Homes act would enable the federal government to have a greater and more positive influence on Canada's housing system. Together, investments made through Build Canada Homes, in collaboration with key partners, would help strengthen our economy and create lasting economic benefits for communities right across our country.
     Mr. Speaker, we do miss the member on the government operations committee. He is welcome to come back anytime.
     He talked about how the plan has support for affordable housing, but the Parliamentary Budget Officer states that, with all the billions of dollars in spending, the government is expected to build only 13,000 low-income units, and that, further, the money would come from stripping money from the affordable housing fund and other supports for at-risk Canadians.
     Why would the government punishing vulnerable Canadians and spend money on an added bureaucracy that would create only 13,000 new homes?
(1845)
    Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the member opposite for his effort to be moderate during OGGO briefings, as chair. We do appreciate his manner. In this case, though, I want to let him be better appreciative of the effort of the Build Canada Homes act to coordinate all these agencies into one in order to minimize costs and to elaborate and expand affordable housing.
    The president who has been appointed to that housing agency is one of the leaders across the country in affordable housing, and we welcome her initiatives and her endeavours to produce greater value for homes in Canada.

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, I would like to remind my colleague that, as with anything, the simplest solution is usually to entrust these matters to the levels of government that are in the best position to meet the needs.
    Yes, the federal government and the Government of Quebec signed an agreement for housing, but Quebec knows its own housing needs best. That includes social housing and other types of housing.
    Unfortunately, Build Canada Homes will add another layer of bureaucracy. That is neither efficient nor effective. It will slow down the entire process.
    My colleague is a member of Parliament from Ontario. I wonder if the same applies in his province.

[English]

     Mr. Speaker, I hope the member is wrong, because what the Build Canada Homes act and the agency itself have recognized is that there are a number of other provinces that already operate procurement practices. We want to use those practices concurrently. We would not be duplicating them. We want all of Canada, including Quebec, to benefit from lower costs, greater efficiencies and greater speed, enabling Quebeckers to afford homes here in Canada.

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, I listened carefully to my colleague's excellent speech. He knows what he is talking about. Yes, this is a major component of the government's plan to build more housing faster and ensure that every Canadian has access to affordable housing.
    What impact does my colleague think this will have in his riding of Mississauga—Lakeshore?

[English]

    Mr. Speaker, it is essential to my riding of Mississauga—Lakeshore. We actually have a Canada Lands property.
    A lot of people are talking about the redevelopment and revitalization of our waterfront, but we also need affordable housing. As a result, there are now three projects in my riding that are being initiated and built. There has been great support from Peel Region to facilitate those projects, because the federal Government of Canada stepped up to the plate and enabled it to happen.
     Mr. Speaker, I take great offence at the member's calling me “moderate” as chair. It hurts me to my soul.
    One of the Liberals' campaign promises was that they would cut municipal development charges in half. In Alberta, B.C. and across the country, this has not happened. Why has the Liberal government broken its promise again?
    Mr. Speaker, the member is moderate, except on this question.
     The fact of the matter is that we are reducing costs and working with other provinces. Ontario has actually matched some of those cuts, and that is important. We have to work collaboratively. I reach out to the members of the opposition to come on board to help their citizens and constituents lower their cost of housing. Let us join together to make housing more affordable right across Canada.

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, thank you for the opportunity to rise today to speak in support of the Build Canada Homes act. This landmark legislation will establish Build Canada Homes as a Crown corporation tasked with building and expanding affordable housing for Canadians.
     Canada is in the midst of a housing crisis. To date, federal efforts have been spread across multiple departments, agencies and provinces, limiting the government's ability to have maximum impact. Traditional approaches to construction and financing do not provide the scale and capacity that Canadians need. That is why we are taking a new approach.
    Every Canadian deserves an affordable place to call home. Housing is a basic need, and the growing demand for housing across the country requires urgent action. Build Canada Homes was created to act quickly and effectively. This legislation will give Build Canada Homes the flexibility and operational autonomy it needs to carry out its mandate.
     As a Crown corporation, Build Canada Homes will maintain a clear framework of accountability with respect to the government. That will strengthen its ability to develop partnerships across the housing ecosystem and provide affordable housing at the scale and speed that Canadians need.
    Build Canada Homes will streamline federal housing efforts by acting as a developer, a funder, a unifying force and a catalyst for innovation in the housing sector. It will play a central role in building strong partnerships with all levels of government and indigenous communities. It will also work with non-profit organizations and other key stakeholders in the housing sector to stimulate the construction of affordable housing across Canada. This includes private developers and community organizations.
    As members know, people in Rivière‑des‑Mille‑Îles are already engaging with organizations interested in working with Build Canada Homes. We already have community housing, built with community organizations, in Saint‑Eustache, Boisbriand, Deux‑Montagnes and Rosemère. Obviously, we all want to build affordable housing.
    Build Canada Homes cannot act alone. The success of its initiatives depends on partnerships. Greater collaboration among all levels of government, whether municipal, federal or provincial, and with key partners, is needed to address the housing challenges we face across the country. Build Canada Homes will streamline and accelerate the delivery of large-scale affordable housing projects. The agency will attract public, private and philanthropic investment, maximizing its impact.
     The Build Canada Homes act will foster partnerships across the housing ecosystem to connect the right funding to the right projects. As a Crown corporation, Build Canada Homes will consolidate access to federal lands, development expertise and flexible financial tools through a single entity. It will speed up the delivery of affordable housing by working with non-profit organizations, indigenous organizations and all levels of government. This approach will limit risk, eliminate barriers and guide projects throughout the development process.
    Build Canada Homes will also work in close collaboration with developers, investors and manufacturers on securing funding and building homes. It will work directly with builders and housing providers that are focused on long-term affordability. That includes non-profit organizations, co-operatives, community housing providers and organizations that promote different housing options for Canadians. These strategic partnerships will make it possible to create affordable housing for a wide range of households, regardless of their income.
    We are working with stakeholders in Rivière-des-Mille-Îles to fast-track the construction of affordable housing across the riding.
     Build Canada Homes will have the authority to work under agreements with all levels of government and community partners on financial support, joint ventures and joint development initiatives.
(1850)
    The agency will seek to establish close collaboration and coordination with the provinces and territories, which will help advance priority projects. This could include making land available, expediting approval processes and waiving applicable fees.
    I will now turn to partnerships with indigenous communities. Indigenous peoples face unique housing challenges. Build Canada Homes will collaborate with first nations, Inuit and Métis governments, indigenous housing providers and urban indigenous organizations on proposals that will deliver consistent housing outcomes. Build Canada Homes will work collaboratively to address the housing needs of indigenous communities. The Government of Canada respects indigenous sovereignty and supports self-determined housing solutions that apply an indigenous lens to design and implementation. Our indigenous partners know how to integrate culture and adopt housing solutions that enable their communities to thrive. Build Canada Homes is committed to fostering close collaboration with indigenous peoples and advancing indigenous housing priorities.
    I would now like to talk about provincial partnerships. Since its launch, Build Canada Homes has moved quickly to initiate housing projects. The Government of Canada has identified public lands that can be converted for housing. We have partnered with local governments to cut red tape and speed up approvals.
    In April 2026, the Government of Canada and the Government of Quebec announced an initial partnership to support the construction of about 865 new affordable housing units across the province. The total investment in affordable housing, supportive housing and transitional housing in the province amounts to $200 million. Build Canada Homes is providing approximately $100 million, and Quebec is contributing $100 million.
    Supportive and transitional housing is very important for people experiencing domestic violence. Addressing domestic violence is one of the priorities of the Liberal women's caucus. This new housing is a direct result of the memorandum of understanding setting out the principles of collaboration for the rollout of Build Canada Homes in Quebec. Signed in January 2026, this memorandum of understanding will guide future collaboration and ensure the coordinated rollout of Build Canada Homes projects across Quebec. Through their collaboration, the federal and Quebec governments will speed up the approval process and identify additional housing projects. The combined investments will help build more affordable housing in the communities that need it most.
    In March 2026, the Government of Canada, through Build Canada Homes, and New Brunswick partnered to build affordable housing. This partnership is accelerating the delivery of up to 1,200 shovel‑ready homes, with the potential to scale to 1,500. At least half of the homes will be for low-income Canadians, and at least 160 will be supportive or transitional housing. Approximately 30% of the homes, representing up to 450 units, will be built in smaller rural communities. I have been a member of the rural caucus for several years, and one of the comments that I often hear is that we must ensure that affordable housing is built in rural communities as well.
    In conclusion, developing and strengthening partnerships is vital to building homes for Canadians. By pooling resources and finding innovative solutions with its partners, Build Canada Homes is laying a foundation for sustainable solutions. The Build Canada Homes act will make Build Canada Homes a Crown corporation with its own mandate, governance structure and clear powers. As a Crown corporation, Build Canada Homes will have the operational independence, governance and flexibility needed to deliver affordable housing at scale. This legislation will allow Build Canada Homes to operate at arm's length from the government, manage its assets, deploy innovative financial tools and make long-term investment decisions more effectively. That is the true strength of partnership: implementing transformative changes. We are working together to develop a strong, more unified approach to housing across the country.
(1855)

[English]

    Mr. Speaker, I just have a very simple question: What are the targets for the next 12 months on how many homes will be completed through Build Canada Homes?
    Mr. Speaker, I will give a very simple answer: Please support our bill.
(1900)
    Mr. Speaker, my colleague from Long Range Mountains asked a very clear question. Canadians deserve a clear answer. I will give the member opposite another chance to answer, please.

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, if I understand my colleague's question correctly, he would like me to provide a more detailed response to the question from my colleague opposite.
    Obviously, if we want to ensure that Build Canada Homes can build houses, the first step is to vote in favour of the bill so that it can be implemented.
    Then Build Canada Homes will actually be able to get to work and start building homes.
    Mr. Speaker, there are certainly people in my colleague's riding with very interesting projects who are excited because they may be able to access land or funding.
    What is she hearing in her riding?
    Mr. Speaker, I thank my hon. colleague for her excellent question.
    My riding is home to Deux-Montagnes, Saint‑Eustache, Boisbriand and Rosemère. People may not remember, but in 2017, we had once-in-a-century floods. Homes in Deux‑Montagnes were demolished. We are waiting for approval from the Montreal metropolitan area to reuse that land.
    Thanks to the federal government, there is a fund dedicated to the effects of climate change. That land is now inside a dike. Housing can be built there quickly. That is what is going on in Deux‑Montagnes.
    In Saint‑Eustache, there are already community projects. They will be ready for implementation as soon as the government moves forward.
    The other two cities, Boisbriand and Rosemère, also have projects. I encourage members to come and visit Rosemère. We are going to find a way to build apartment buildings.
    Mr. Speaker, one thing that has come up a lot this evening is the fact that, unfortunately, the government makes many announcements, but it is neither effective nor efficient.
    I gave the example of an organization in my riding, Loge m'entraide, which was supposed to receive its funding through CMHC. Unfortunately, it was told to wait and see whether that CMHC program would be funded again.
    Now the organization has been told to wait for Build Canada Homes to take over. The federal government is now delaying the construction of social housing in my riding.
    I wonder if my colleague is experiencing the same thing, because right now, the delays mean that social housing projects may have to wait up to 18 months to see the light of day.
    Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for his excellent question.
    Yes, we are transitioning from CMHC to Build Canada Homes.
    This new structure will be more flexible. The funds can be used in collaboration with organizations. As I said earlier, whether in the public or the private sector, we will be able to get these projects up and running faster.
    This transition will provide increased operational autonomy, the ability to take on risks and an appropriate governance structure that includes a board of directors and executive leadership appointed by the government.
    A bit of patience will be required, but we are going to wrap up the session.
    What I am asking my colleague specifically is that he support Bill C‑20, so we can move on to the next stage.

[English]

     Mr. Speaker, this is something the government decided to create to build more bureaucracy rather than build homes, so my question for the member opposite is really simple: How many houses has Build Canada Homes built in her riding since it was created?

[Translation]

    The hon. member for Rivière-des-Mille-Îles must reply in 30 seconds.
    Mr. Speaker, with just 30 seconds I would say to my hon. colleague that we need to make sure we pass the bill first.
    When the Leader of the Opposition was in government, I believe he built six homes.
    We will definitely do better than that and do it quickly.

[English]

    Mr. Speaker, I will be splitting my time tonight with my friend and colleague, the member for Fort McMurray—Cold Lake.
     It is a pleasure to rise today, as it always is, to speak on behalf of the hard-working people of Long Range Mountains on a topic that I am passionate about, and that is housing.
    Before entering politics, I spent almost 20 years in the real estate industry as an agent, broker and real estate coach. My husband is a builder, and my daughter is a sales agent. I have watched markets right across the country, as well as in my own province of Newfoundland and Labrador, and I intimately understand the current pressures and frustrations around housing supply and home ownership.
    I have watched the changes in the market, and I am extremely concerned not just for the young person looking to enter the market but also the senior looking to downsize, which would create inventory for another family. I am concerned for those who currently own homes but have dreams of building another home that suits their needs, and for move-up buyers who, again, create movement and space for others to enter the market.
    In today's market, we see historically low inventory and upward pressure on pricing as a result, and little to no movement for others to enter the market. In addition, construction costs are high and markets are strained, even in areas of the country where there have typically been stable markets and a balance between supply and demand. Rural Canada is a perfect example, but now housing affordability even in these markets is being compromised. Housing affordability is a defining characteristic of rural Canada, and we cannot allow home ownership to become unaffordable, especially in these areas.
    The Newfoundland and Labrador Association of Realtors says it best: “Home ownership is the cornerstone of community stability, economic prosperity, and personal security. In Newfoundland and Labrador, this aspiration has long been within reach, with our province consistently reporting some of the highest rates of home ownership in Canada. It’s a reflection of our deep-rooted values: self-reliance, pride of place, and long-term investment in our families and neighbourhoods. But today, that dream is under growing threat. Challenges around housing supply, rising costs, and affordability are eroding access to ownership for many hard-working residents. If we wish to preserve this legacy and ensure future generations can share in the security and opportunity of owning a home, decisive action is needed”.
    However, the saddest housing statistic in this country is that the median age of first-time homebuyers in Ontario is 40 because of affordability, higher carrying costs, longer renting phases and delayed household formation. This means Canadians are not building equity around them until much later in life, and the dream of home ownership is slipping further and further away from young people.
    The Liberals' response to a strained housing market is the legislation that we are discussing today, Bill C-20, but instead of a real plan to build homes, the Liberals have continued in the same direction and delivered their fourth costly Liberal housing bureaucracy, far from building at what they call generational speeds. In fact, the Liberal government's own housing advocate stated that at the current pace of building affordable homes, it would take over 1,000 years to restore housing affordability for the poorest Canadians.
    Let us look closely at the facts. During the last election, the Liberal Prime Minister went across the country promising to double housing construction and deliver 500,000 new homes every single year. He promised to move at speeds we have not seen since the Second World War, yet over a year into the Liberal Prime Minister's mandate, we see the exact opposite. There are fewer permits, fewer starts and, according to the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation, national housing starts are projected to fall as low as 212,000 per year by 2028. That is an 18.1% decline over the next two years. The CMHC explicitly stated that we need to build somewhere between 430,000 and 480,000 homes a year up to 2035 just to restore basic affordability.
    What about this new $13-billion Liberal Crown corporation being created under Bill C-20? The Parliamentary Budget Officer reported that the Liberals have no real plan to build the 500,000 homes they promised and will only add 5,200 homes per year. That is a mere 1% of what they promised the Canadian people.
    However, it gets worse. When the housing minister was asked about the metrics for the $13-billion new agency, he openly admitted, “There aren’t top-line targets set for the number of homes to build”.
    Mike Moffatt testified at the Standing Committee on Human Resources, Skills and Social Development and the Status of Persons with Disabilities, stating clearly about this piece of legislation, “[Build Canada Homes] lacks a clear goal, lacks targets and lacks key performance indicators and accountability measures. The public has not been told how many homes the program will complete, what types of homes, what the rents or prices will be, and over what time frame.”
    The witness went on to say, “I can't tell you, five years from now, whether or not [Build Canada Homes] has been working, as there are no benchmarks for success. That's a problem.”
(1905)
     We have watched this movie before: announce billions of dollars, build a brand new taxpayer-funded bureaucracy and never set targets or deliver tangible results for the hard-working, everyday Canadians who pay the bills. Anyone in the private sector knows that if they endeavour to do a large project and do not set targets or key performance indicators, they are unequivocally setting themselves up for failure.
    At a critical time when we need more supply and builders are asking for less government, the Liberals are focusing on building a new bureaucracy that is simply an expensive exercise in rebranding.
    Just weeks ago, a report from the Office of the Superintendent of Bankruptcy showed that in the first three months of 2026, consumer insolvencies rose 8.5% compared to last year. Canadians seeking help under the Bankruptcy and Insolvency Act have reached levels not seen since the 2009 great recession.
    Today, the average Canadian owes $1.77 in debt for every dollar they earn. For the bottom 20% of earners, the very people the Liberals claim they want to help with non-market housing, that debt-to-income ratio skyrockets to an astronomical 430%. More than four in 10 Canadians are now just $200 or less away from insolvency each month. They have exhausted their savings, maxed out their credit cards and refinanced their homes just to keep up with food inflation, rising rents and soaring mortgage payments. Clearly, the plan is not working.
    Conservatives believe in restoring the dream of home ownership and empowering the private sector to deliver the homes Canadians need, because we know we have the workers. In Canada, we have over 131,000 people with construction experience who are currently unemployed. We have 127,000 Canadians already trained with a trade certificate or diploma who are without work. We have the skilled tradespeople, we have the lumber and we have the land. What we do not have is a plan from the federal government that will empower the private sector and let builders build, especially given that 95% of supply currently comes from market housing.
    Do not take it from me. A witness from the Ontario Home Builders' Association testified, “As the industry association representing home builders...we know that builders are the experts and the ones who are best suited to construct the homes we need, not the government” and “the path forward is not for government to step into the role of the builder but for it to enable those who already do this work every day to do it better, faster and at greater scale.”
    Conservatives do not support adding more Liberal bureaucratic red tape to the housing sector. Builders across this country are begging for less Liberal intervention, not more. Again I will point out that 95% of housing in Canada is delivered through the private market. We need to bring prices down by increasing supply, and we do that by cutting the costs of construction.
    If the Liberals truly want to solve this crisis, they should stop building expensive, unaccountable bureaucracy that drives up costs and instead adopt our plan. We want to restore the dream of home ownership and empower the private sector to restore balance in the market by cutting the GST on all new homes sold under $1.3 million. This single measure would save Canadian families up to $65,000 on a new home and immediately unleash a massive wave of new residential building across the nation.
    Conservatives know applying this only to first-time homebuyers is not sufficient to get things moving in a way that would meaningfully make a difference. We also understand that many first-time homebuyers in many markets cannot afford to build. We also know that seniors looking to downsize in new construction could free up much-needed inventory for a growing family that needs square footage. Therefore, limiting this to first-time homebuyers is not the right approach.
    We would tie federal infrastructure dollars to homebuilding. When this incentive is in place, municipalities, large and small, start to develop plans for growing their communities and enabling development. A Conservative government would require major municipalities to increase the number of housing permits they issue by at least 15% each year to receive their federal funds.
    There is a clear difference here: a Liberal government that believes the solution to every problem is more spending, more deficits, taxes and a fourth expensive housing bureaucracy with no targets that is not delivering for Canadians; or Conservatives, who believe in the power of Canadian workers, builders and local communities. We want to empower the private sector to increase supply and restore balance by removing the taxes and lowering construction costs so our young people can afford a place to call their own.
    For these reasons, I cannot support Bill C-20.
(1910)
     Mr. Speaker, even with the member's background in the housing sector, I tend to disagree with her. At the end of the day, she tries to give the impression that the national government does not have a role, when in fact many of the things that the government is doing support the private sector. When we take a look at the Build Canada Homes corporation, after this legislation passes, hopefully, what we will see is the expansion of the modular home industry. In fact, we have already been seeing that.
     There are different ways the government can contribute to increasing the housing stock. Some of the assertions that the member made, for example, were around the costs. Let us remember that he has been Prime Minister for just over a year. Not only have we already seen the stabilization of housing prices in Canada, but in many areas, we have actually seen decreases. We have seen a decrease of rents.
     Obviously the government can make a difference. Would the member not agree that we need to have collaboration?
(1915)
    Mr. Speaker, I am not sure if there was a question in there.
    Conservatives believe in Canadians and in the private sector. Conservatives do not believe that we need another bureaucracy to solve the housing crisis in this country. We regularly talk to stakeholders, experts in this space, and they tell us what they need. This is not the legislation they are asking for.
    Mr. Speaker, my colleague and good friend has a strong knowledge in this space. I was wondering if she could explain why continuing to build bureaucracy does not actually build homes, and what she sees in her home province of Newfoundland and Labrador.
    Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my friend, who has strong ties to Newfoundland and Labrador, for that question.
    When we build out government bureaucracy, we build out the size of government and we increase government spending, which drives up inflation, which drives up the cost of everything, including the cost of homebuilding. That is not the answer.
     We want to unleash the private sector to be able to reduce those costs, so that we can spur on home construction. This would make a meaningful difference. As I said, in rural Canada, home ownership levels are very high. They never want to talk about what the pressure is on social housing, but it is that we are driving affordability out of reach and putting more people into a situation where they cannot afford home ownership. That is what we want to correct.
     Mr. Speaker, I am proud to stand on behalf of the constituents of London—Fanshawe. I go door to door and hear from them. With regard to home ownership, there are concerns that youth are affected by the affordability crisis and the lack of opportunity to afford a home.
     I applaud my colleague. She and her family members are experts in the real estate and homebuilding industries. I was just wondering if she could expand on that, and tell us what issues they are experiencing with regard to the affordability crisis and young people buying homes in her riding.
    Mr. Speaker, when the cost of everything increases, the people who suffer the most are the young people, especially the ones who want to enter the housing market.
     As housing prices increase, rent prices also increase. This means that everything costs more. They cannot save for a down payment, and they feel like they are consistently on this hamster wheel. When they do not enter home ownership at a younger age, they cannot start to build assets around them. This is another reason why we are failing the next generation, by not being more serious about our approach to solve this housing crisis.

[Translation]

    The hon. member for Pierre‑Boucher—Les Patriotes—Verchères has 30 seconds to ask his question.
    Mr. Speaker, I commend my colleague on her speech. My question will be brief.
    The bill we are currently studying seeks to create Build Canada Homes. Personally, I am sad that we are in a housing crisis. Earlier, the parliamentary secretary said that his government is working to resolve the crisis.
    What has the government done that is so special to ease the housing crisis lately, besides finally listening to our criticisms about there being too much immigration?

[English]

    Mr. Speaker, I understand the frustration. We have to measure success by results, not by funding announcements, bureaucracies or another conversation to get some more advice that does not actually lead to more homes being built.
     Mr. Speaker, owning a home was once at the heart of the Canadian dream. For generations, Canadians believed that if they worked hard, played by the rules, paid their taxes and contributed to their communities, they would have the opportunity to buy a home, raise a family and build a secure future. That was not an unreasonable expectation. It was part of the promise of this country. Today, however, that promise is further out of reach than it has ever felt before.
     After more than a decade of Liberal government, Canadians are facing a cost of living crisis unlike anything we have seen in generations. The cost of groceries has soared, utility bills continue to climb, families are paying more at the gas pump, more at the checkout counter and more for virtually everything, every necessity of life, yet nowhere is this failure more evident than in the housing sector. Home ownership is increasingly becoming an unachievable goal for hard-working Canadians. Young people who did everything right are losing hope. They pursued an education, entered the workforce, saved diligently and delayed major life decisions, only to discover that the dream of owning a home continues to move further and further away.
     The statistics paint a sobering picture. According to the office of the superintendent of bankruptcy, the number of Canadians seeking relief under the Bankruptcy and Insolvency Act during the first quarter of 2026 reached levels not seen since the aftermath of the Great Depression. Consumer insolvencies increased by 8.5% compared to the same period last year, and mortgage delinquencies have reached their highest levels since 2021.
     Canadians are carrying an astonishing $2.6 trillion in household debt, and the average Canadian now owes $1.77 for every dollar earned, yet the burden is heavier for lower- and middle-income earners. Testimony before the finance committee revealed that, for the bottom 80% of earners, debt-to-income ratios exceed 200%. For the bottom 20%, they approach 430%. These numbers are more than just statistics. They represent families draining their savings, simply trying to keep up. They represent seniors worried about their financial security. They represent young couples wondering when they will ever be able to save enough money for that down payment. They represent Canadians who have refinanced mortgages, maxed-out lines of credit and taken on additional debt simply to afford rent, groceries and other necessities.
    Canada is facing a housing crisis, not a housing challenge, not a housing issue, but a housing crisis, and it is a crisis that has been years in the making. I have seen the aftermath of this crisis in my hometown of Fort McMurray, where we have had booms and busts for as long as people have known that the oil sands existed. However, never was this more true than in the last decade when we had the Liberal government in place, which told people in my community that it would transition their jobs away, and that they should not actually be in that kind of industry.
     What we saw, effectively for the last 10 years, were housing starts dropping to nearly zero, which means that, right now, we do not have the builders ready to build, because most of the builders have left town. Most of the construction workers have left town, because there were no jobs to be had as people were not buying houses. What we saw, and what we are continuing to see, are people upside down on their mortgage, which means they owe more than they have paid. If they want to sell their house, their choice is either to pay a whole bunch of money or go bankrupt. That is not a space where Canadians want to be, but this is where we are careening down, because of the Liberals' mismanagement of the economy for the last decade.
    The decisions the Liberals make, and the decisions we make here in Parliament, have real-life impact on the lives of Canadians. This is not just a crisis for families who are looking to buy homes. It is a crisis for workers who build homes: electricians, carpenters, plumbers and welders. It has an impact on all kinds of construction workers. When projects are delayed by government red tape or permits take years instead of months, investment goes away. This is one of those problems, because when the investment goes away, the jobs disappear.
(1920)
    We need to think about that for a moment. Canada has a severe housing crisis and a severe housing shortage. We need millions of new homes across the country. We have skilled trades workers ready to build them, yet government policies are slowing down construction and preventing projects from even getting off the ground. Every housing project that is cancelled, delayed or deemed too expensive to proceed means fewer houses for workers to work on, fewer apprentices getting trained, fewer opportunities for young people entering the trades and fewer paycheques for hard-working Canadians. This is the reality that the Liberal government fails to understand.
    What is the Liberals' solution? Their solution is yet another housing bureaucracy. What we are seeing with Build Canada Homes is a fourth Canadian housing bureaucracy because their solution to so much is just to build more government bureaucracy. The reality is we have yet to be able to understand, on the human resources, skills and social development committee, what powers of the Build Canada Homes could not be accessed through either the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation or the Canada Lands Company, which are two existing bureaucracies.
    Instead, the Liberals want to put a new shiny bow on things, build something new and say they are going to build at unimaginable speeds, yet the reality is we are seeing construction grind to a halt. Most of the people who came before our committee when we studied this bill did not really understand what Build Canada Homes was going to do. They had some general ideas, but nothing concrete. When we had the CEO come to committee, we heard how many homes the corporation had built. The answer, I think, was nine, which is not speeds that had never before been seen.
    The Liberals promised to build 500,000 homes annually, yet according to the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation projections, housing starts could actually fall to approximately 212,000 units by 2028. That is not just a small shortfall. That is a huge failure of historic proportions. Even more concerning is the Parliamentary Budget Officer found that Build Canada Homes would contribute only about 5,000 homes annually. That is only 1% of the government's own annual housing target.
    Canadians deserve better than announcements that generate headlines but fail to deliver results. The reality is builders have consistently told government what is needed. The solution is not more bureaucracy. The solution is not more government agencies. The solution is not having Ottawa involved. The solution is not having Ottawa attempting to become a developer. The solution is creating conditions that allow builders to build.
     The CEO of the Ontario Home Builders' Association summed it up perfectly when he testified at our committee. He said, “the path forward is not for government to step into the role of the builder but for it to enable those who already do this work every day to do it better, faster and at greater scale.” The Conservative Party of Canada completely agrees and we believe that all Canadians should have the opportunity to own their own home and have access to safe and affordable housing.
    That is why Conservatives believe that the federal government can assist home builders across the country by cutting the GST on all new homes under $1.3 million, saving families up to $65,000; unleash building by tying federal infrastructure dollars to homebuilding; have municipalities permit at least 15% more homebuilding each year; cut development charges by 50%, which the Liberals promised during the last election campaign but refused to deliver; end the capital gains on reinvestment in new housing in Canada; and unlock billions of dollars of investment in the country's homebuilding sector. Most importantly, we believe the government should focus on the outcomes instead of announcements.
    I know that is shocking, but Canadians do not measure success by the number of government programs that exist. They measure success by whether they can afford a home. They measure success by whether their children have opportunities. They measure success by whether their communities can grow and prosper. For too many Canadians, the answer today is no. The consequences of inaction are profound. Canadians are tired of excuses. They are tired of missed targets. They are tired of announcements that never materialize into results. They want action. They want homes. They want affordability. They want governments that remove obstacles instead of creating them.
    As the member of Parliament for Fort McMurray—Cold Lake, I will continue fighting for the workers, the families, the tradespeople and the young Canadians who simply want a fair chance to succeed, to save, to buy a home, to build a future and to pass on something to their children. This was once the Canadian promise and it should be again. It is time to restore Canada's promise.
(1925)
    Mr. Speaker, the Conservatives really need to open their eyes and see what is actually taking place. If I were to use the province that my colleague from Fleetwood—Port Kells comes from, in British Columbia alone, over 1,100 homes are going to be built under this government, working in collaboration with the British Columbia government. What is wrong with that? Hundreds of homes will be for supportive housing.
    The Conservatives, on the other hand, sit back and say they know the government cannot do it. I have news for them. The Government of Canada, working with the Government of British Columbia and other stakeholders, will build over 1,000 homes in the next 12 months.
    Does the member opposite support the initiatives that are going to deliver non-profit homes for the people of Canada?
(1930)
    Mr. Speaker, I know the member opposite can get all huffy and puffy, and have all the passion in the world for this, but it does not change the result that over 80% of Canadians want to own a home. They want to own their own house. The government has created yet another housing bureaucracy, so we are now up to four housing bureaucracies at the federal level in Canada. The government's own Parliamentary Budget Officer has even said that Build Canada Homes will add just 5,000 homes per year, which is 1% of what the Liberals promised. I do not think that meets the expectation of Canadians. I wonder if he does.

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague and fellow member of the Standing Committee on Human Resources, Skills and Social Development and the Status of Persons with Disabilities, which is examining Bill C-20, the Build Canada Homes act.
    We heard that Quebec, through the Société d'habitation du Québec, will have the final say on the Build Canada Homes projects. However, several witnesses who appeared before the committee told us that there is a lot of uncertainty surrounding Build Canada Homes. How is affordability defined? Will rural municipalities get their share of the market? What will happen with seniors and women who are facing housing challenges? In short, there is still a lot of uncertainty.
    Does my colleague not agree that it would have been better to just transfer the amounts to Quebec and the provinces, since they are likely more attuned to their communities' housing needs?
    Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank my colleague, with whom I have the honour of serving on the Standing Committee on Human Resources, Skills and Social Development and the Status of Persons with Disabilities, as well as on the Standing Committee on the Status of Women.
    The facts are crystal clear. We heard from so many witnesses during the committee's study of Bill C‑20. The witnesses said that there was a lot of uncertainty and that they were not getting answers about the point of all this or why it could not be done by existing agencies.
    Ottawa decided to create another structure, to add more bureaucracy. It is not going to work. The fact is that we need to work more closely with the provinces, the territories and indigenous governments across the country because what Ottawa is doing is not working.

[English]

    Mr. Speaker, housing is so important right now in Canada. We cannot waste the moment by building more bureaucracy, more talking and not doing. For example, Build Canada Homes is another bureaucracy. In Penticton, housing is getting so expensive. In Similkameen—South Okanagan—West Kootenay, multiple communities in my huge riding have applied for the housing accelerator fund in the last few years. Not one of them has gotten it.
    Why would we build another bureaucracy when that is not working?
    Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my spectacular colleague from the South Okanagan area for her tremendous work.
    She rightly points out the fact that the bureaucracies that currently exist, keyed by the Government of Canada, are too far away to be able to understand some of the needs of communities. This is one of the big problems that we face, but the answer from the Liberals is, “Let us build more bureaucracy. Let us not build more houses. Let us not do anything—

[Translation]

    We will now resume debate.
    The hon. member for Argenteuil—La Petite-Nation.
     Mr. Speaker, I would like to share my speaking time with the member for Guelph.
    I am very pleased to have the opportunity to talk about the Government of Canada's Build Canada Homes act. Specifically, I will talk about why Build Canada Homes is important for supporting the Canadian economy and the federal government's buy Canadian policy.
    Launched in 2025, Build Canada Homes is a special operating agency within Housing, Infrastructure and Communities Canada. Working swiftly and efficiently, this new federal agency has already made significant progress in providing more affordable housing for Canadians, including families, women, single mothers and especially families in need.
    As a Crown corporation, Build Canada Homes will have the flexibility and operational autonomy to deliver on its mandate, all while maintaining a clear accountability framework to the government. That is why the Build Canada Homes act is landmark legislation. The Government of Canada needs to strengthen its capacity to address the housing crisis, improve housing supply and accelerate innovation in homebuilding. Too many Canadians are struggling to find a home they can afford. Housing costs are rising, supply is not keeping up with demand, and productivity in the construction sector is low. Traditional construction and funding approaches alone are not delivering the scale or speed Canadians need.
    Build Canada Homes will centralize functions that were previously spread across multiple departments, agencies and programs that limited the government's ability to have maximum impact. It will act as a developer, a financier, a convenor and a catalyst for an even more productive homebuilding sector. Canadians need more homes, and the Build Canada Homes act will help make it possible to build more quickly, more efficiently and at the scale that is required.
    In practical terms, since the Build Canada Homes initiative was launched, my office back home in Argenteuil—La Petite‑Nation has made it a priority to inform local stakeholders and get them involved. We believe that, to address the housing crisis, we need to not only put in place ambitious programs, but also ensure that businesses, developers and municipalities are aware of the tools at their disposal. That is the mandate of all members from all parties. Our mandate is to promote Build Canada Homes in our workplaces, in our ridings. By working together, we can accomplish more in each one of our ridings.
    In Argenteuil—La Petite‑Nation, for example, we have undertaken a major outreach effort targeting the construction industry. We compiled a list of businesses in our area so that we can send them the information about Build Canada Homes. We even made a list of businesses that are located outside of our riding but that do work in our riding and we invited them to participate in the information webinar put on by the federal government.
    The goal of these efforts is to encourage local businesses to participate and take advantage of the opportunities that this new initiative has to offer. Sometimes the first step is meeting with municipal representatives. There are 41 municipalities in my riding, Argenteuil—La Petite-Nation, so it is important to raise awareness among RCM reeves, mayors and municipal councillors. When they get wind of a construction opportunity, we pass on the information. At the same time, we keep all of the municipalities informed about the program's overall priorities. We see municipal governments as our indispensable partners in developing new residential projects. Keeping them informed in a timely manner about the opportunities that Build Canada Homes has to offer is imperative.
    Our message has always been clear. We want to ensure that projects carried out in our regions benefit our workers, businesses and communities. That is why we are also focused on using Canadian-sourced materials and modern, innovative construction methods, such as modular or prefabricated construction, to speed up housing starts while supporting our economy.
(1935)
    Build Canada Homes investments are aimed at increasing the supply of affordable, community and non-market housing, while promoting shovel-ready projects that can make a lasting impact. Our role as MPs is to promote those opportunities, connect the right people and support local stakeholders in their efforts. We are fully committed to promoting the program.
    I encourage all my colleagues in the House to follow Argenteuil—La Petite-Nation's lead by supporting promising initiatives and working with all partners in their regions. Every new housing project is an opportunity to meet the needs of families, workers, seniors and single-parent families. By providing our local partners with information, encouragement and guidance, we are taking concrete steps to help build more housing and strengthen our communities for years to come.
    The team Canada strong initiative will transform the skilled trades sector. It will create skilled jobs for workers, plumbers and electricians. This will help us become more prosperous and create jobs. It will attract more apprentices to the workforce. I come from the construction industry, specifically the trades. When government announcements are made at the right time, it helps attract students who are still in school and get them into apprenticeships. Our goal is to train the next generation of workers and create good jobs.
    This initiative will ensure that young Canadians are ready to build the housing and infrastructure we need. It will create new jobs, provide access to good jobs and strengthen Canada's workforce of tomorrow. That is how, over time, we have developed trades that did not exist 20 or 25 years ago, like tiling, roofing and interior finishing. These are trades that involve vocational training and that are expected to continue to grow in the construction industry.
     The Government of Canada is taking decisive action now to transform our country and make it more resilient so that it can move from dependence to resilience. The goal is to make Canada one of the fastest-growing and most competitive economies in the world and to usher in a new era of economic security and prosperity for Canadians.
    I am proud to promote Build Canada Homes in Quebec because partners are getting on board. Organizations believe in it; the sector believes in it. Nothing is perfect, but at least we have an accountability mechanism that will enable us to track each individual project so we can deliver as many homes as possible, end the housing crisis and reduce rents. The Government of Canada is achieving this by leaning on solid foundations laid by strong Canadian industries. We are investing in our future and fostering economic growth through Build Canada Homes and the buy Canadian policy.
    As a Crown corporation, Build Canada Homes will be funded by the initial $13‑billion allocation announced in the 2025 budget. Build Homes Canada was designed to consolidate federal support for affordable housing in one place by coordinating with other government departments and agencies, including the Government of Quebec. It is a partnership. The Government of Quebec is proud to be working with us to build a stronger Canada and a stronger Quebec.
(1940)

[English]

    Mr. Speaker, I listened to my colleague's speech. One of the things he mentioned was accountability. I was really happy to hear that.
     I am going to ask him the same question I asked the other member, which I did not get an answer to. It is a very simple question: What are the targets for the next 12 months on how many homes will be completed by Build Canada Homes?

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, if you did not get a specific answer earlier, I cannot provide one now, either. It is not a fixed timeline. I have explained the process we are following in Argenteuil—La Petite-Nation. We send documents out all over the place, reach out to people, meet with entrepreneurs, secure municipal land and work with the RCMs. Our goal is ambitious. You are asking for a specific number, but there is no crystal ball when it comes to such a great program. The answer is that we want to build as many homes as possible.
    Before moving on to questions and comments, I would like to remind members to address their comments to the Chair and not to another member.
    The hon. member for Pierre-Boucher—Les Patriotes—Verchères.
    Mr. Speaker, I congratulate my colleague on his speech. We might say that he tirelessly defends his party with all the enthusiasm he is known for. That said, although we may not agree on much, I am going to take the liberty of asking him a question.
    We are all familiar with the Build Canada Homes program, which was previously called “Bâtir Maisons Canada” in French. This sparked a lot of reactions, particularly because some people felt the name was a clunky word-for-word translation. This led the government to change the the name of the program.
    This brings to mind other situations we have seen, including the discovery in January 2025 that the website of the Liberal leader, who has since become Prime Minister, was riddled with errors and appeared to have been translated with Google Translate.
    Then there is the campaign slogan “Elbows up”, which was translated into French as “On lève le coude”. Unfortunately, that phrase actually means raising a glass, as in having a drink.
    All of this led us to March 25, 2026, when we found out that there were no francophones on the team that wrote Mark Carney's speech.
    When I—
(1945)
    Members cannot use the Prime Minister's name, only his title.
    I invite the hon. member to continue his speech.
    Mr. Speaker, the Prime Minister is new, as my colleague on the other side of the House was saying. Sometimes, we still say his name out of habit.
    All these problems show—my colleague on the other side of the House might acknowledge this— that government policies and decisions, as well as their implementation, are carried out in English.
    Quebec comes second. French is an afterthought. Ottawa clearly could not care less about our reality.
    Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank my colleague, who is well aware that I am a staunch defender of the French language.
    Build Canada Homes is good news. My colleague would rather talk about the French language when we are debating Build Canada Homes. There is nothing but good news when it comes to Build Canada Homes. It is a very good program.
    My colleague is attacking the French language because there is nothing bad to say about Build Canada Homes.

[English]

     Mr. Speaker, I wonder if my colleague can pick up on the fact that Build Canada Homes and the government have actually negotiated with and have an agreement with the Province of Quebec. We are seeing affordable homes that are going to be built in Quebec City, Montreal and other, rural communities. It is only a question of time. Those homes will, in fact, be delivered, and it shows the collaboration between both levels of government. I would like his thoughts on that.

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, I am staunch defender not only of the French language, but also of rural communities and the regions. Members are well aware of that. Throughout the process, I have worked to ensure that the regions and rural communities are included.
    I have explained exactly what approach to take in a riding where most of the municipalities are in rural areas. We need to work with the municipalities, municipal councillors, mayors, municipal departments and RCMs to promote Build Canada Homes.
    I have good news. It is working. It is working because we are getting responses and requests, and construction is under way.
    Construction is under way in rural communities and the regions.
    I would invite my Bloc Québécois colleagues and members who represent rural communities across Canada to follow the example of Argenteuil—La Petite-Nation.

[English]

     Mr. Speaker, it is wonderful to have an opportunity to speak again in support of the Build Canada Homes act. This landmark legislation would establish Build Canada Homes as a Crown corporation dedicated to building and expanding the supply of affordable homes for Canadians, truly affordable homes pegged to one's income.
    We are in a housing crisis. On that, we all agree. Federal efforts to date have been spread across multiple departments and agencies and programs. This limits the government's ability to have maximum impact. Traditional construction and funding approaches are not delivering the scale or speed Canadians need, which is why we are taking this new, consolidated approach.
    Of course, all Canadians deserve an affordable place to call home, but doing it the same way we have been doing it for generations—

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, I rise on a point of order. Perhaps you can clarify something for me.
    In my speech earlier, I mentioned the Prime Minister by name because I was simply reading the headline of an article.
    I would like to know whether, based on precedent, it is permissible to include the name of a member of the House when reading the headline of an article.
    The Standing Orders are clear. One cannot do indirectly what one cannot do directly. Even when reading a quotation from a paper document or an email from a constituent on a phone or computer screen, members cannot mention the name of a sitting member or minister in the House.
    The hon. member for Guelph.
(1950)

[English]

    Mr. Speaker, housing is a fundamental need, and growing demand for housing across the country requires urgent action. While the opposition wants to fiddle about with the structure they do not like, we are moving to action.
     Build Canada Homes would be created to act quickly and efficiently in a more flexible way than ever before. The legislation would give that Crown corporation the flexibility and operational autonomy to deliver on its mandate. As a Crown corporation, it would maintain a clear accountability framework to the government. It would report on those numbers. This would strengthen its ability to build partnerships across the housing system and deliver affordable housing at the scale and speed Canadians require. Rather than silos, there would be broad collaboration.
    Build Canada Homes would streamline federal housing efforts by acting as a developer, financier, convenor and catalyst for innovation in the housing sector. It would have a central position in forging strong partnerships across all levels of government and with indigenous communities. It would work with non-profits and other key stakeholders in the housing industry, including developers and community organizations, to drive the development of truly affordable housing across Canada.
     Build Canada Homes cannot act alone. The success of its achievement lies in its partnerships. Stronger collaboration among all levels of government and with key partners is needed to address the housing challenges we face across this country.
    Build Canada Homes would make it simpler and faster to get large-scale affordable housing projects off the ground. The agency would attract public, private and philanthropic investment, maximizing its impact.
     Build Canada Homes would make it easier to develop partnerships across the housing ecosystem to bring together the right financing, the right land and the right projects. As a Crown corporation, it would combine access to federal lands, development expertise and flexible financial tools under one roof. This is new.
     It would accelerate the delivery of affordable housing, working with non-profits, indigenous organizations and all orders of government. This approach reduces risk, eliminates barriers and guides projects through the development process. Sometimes those non-profits are not large, especially in smaller communities. Build Canada Homes could help guide them through this process.
    We want to get housing financed and built. We will work directly with builders and housing providers that are focused on long-term affordability. This includes, as I said, non-profits, co-ops, community housing providers and organizations that promote a variety of housing options for Canadians. Those strategic partnerships will create homes that are affordable to a range of households across the income spectrum. Build Canada Homes would be empowered to achieve this collaboration through agreements, financial support, joint ventures and shared development initiatives. It would look for strong collaboration and coordination with the provinces and territories to help advance these priority projects, because working together, we can achieve more. This could include providing land, accelerating the approval process and waiving applicable fees.
    We know indigenous people face unique housing challenges. Build Canada Homes would collaborate on proposals that deliver shared housing outcomes with first nations, Inuit and Métis governments, indigenous housing providers and urban indigenous organizations. Build Canada Homes would meet the housing needs of indigenous communities in a spirit of collaboration. The Government of Canada respects indigenous sovereignty and supports self-determined housing solutions that are designed and delivered with an indigenous-led perspective. Our indigenous partners know how to incorporate culture and adopt housing solutions in ways that enable their communities to thrive. Paired with the infrastructure investments this government has announced and has begun, this could be a game-changer.
    Since its launch, Build Canada Homes has moved quickly to get housing projects off the ground. The Government of Canada has identified public lands that can be converted into housing. We have partnered with local governments to cut red tape and fast-track approvals.

[Translation]

    In April, the Government of Canada and the Government of Quebec announced an initial partnership to create nearly 865 new affordable housing units in the province. The total investment in affordable housing, supportive housing and transitional housing in the province amounts to $200 million. This investment is being shared between Build Canada Homes and the Quebec government.

[English]

    In Ontario, Arbo at Downsview will be home to 540 new homes and a future 1,700 new homes. In Ottawa, 1,100 homes have been announced. Eventually, there will be 3,000 homes.
     The thing is that we do not build this stuff overnight. We have to assemble the land. We need the investors. We have to align the trades. We have to prep the site. We need the site to be serviced. What might start with a small number can actually grow over time, and I think we are missing that point.
     By working together, the federal and provincial governments could accelerate the approvals process and identify additional housing projects. Those combined investments would help build more affordable housing in the communities that need them the most. It is local knowledge and local projects with a lot of federal support and guidance.
     In March 2026, the Government of Canada, through Build Canada Homes, and the Province of New Brunswick partnered to deliver affordable housing. This partnership is accelerating the delivery of up to 1,200 shovel-ready affordable homes, again with the potential to scale that to 1,500 homes. There are land constraints to be considered as well. Build Canada Homes and New Brunswick are each contributing up to $150 million toward the project. We can see the collaboration. It would be great to have more of it in this place. Together, New Brunswick and Build Canada Homes are working to attract additional municipal, private and philanthropic partners to expand toward a 1,500-home target. At least half of those homes would serve lower-income Canadians, and a minimum of 160 homes would provide supportive and transitional housing. Approximately 30% of those, up to 450 homes, would be smaller and in rural centres, which is so critical. Small numbers are not small potatoes, because those homes matter to every single family.
     In January 2023, the Government of Canada, the Government of Nunavut and Nunavut Tunngavik Inc. signed an agreement in principle that will deliver up to 750 much-needed homes across the territory. That is a lot of homes in the Arctic. This will be public, affordable and supportive housing. Through this agreement, Build Canada Homes would again provide a matching investment with the Government of Nunavut. As part of this partnership, approximately 30% of the units would be built off-site to incorporate modern methods of construction. This will streamline building processes and help accelerate the delivery of housing, making the most of the short construction season in the north while keeping costs down. Those first units are expected to be completed soon.
     Pacd Homes, in my riding of Guelph, has designed homes that can be flat-packed and shipped. They can be assembled in a matter of weeks. This kind of innovation is a game changer.
     In Nova Scotia, Build Canada Homes has secured something that is close to my heart. It would develop 1,430 new affordable homes. That includes 500 units of non-profit and community housing from the province's housing pipeline. Of those, 300 units would be built in Shannon Park, where I went to junior high. That includes supportive and/or transitional housing and public housing.
     I do not know about Nova Scotia, but in Ontario, there has been an absolute dearth of investment in social housing. We need it badly. We need supportive housing badly, and this government is moving to create it.
    Through Build Canada Homes, all levels of government would come together to address this housing crisis. We would increase the supply of affordable housing and reduce barriers to construction through a structured and collaborative approach. With private, public and government partners showing up at the table, we would get homes built. We would grow and strengthen partnerships because it is an integral aspect of building homes for Canadians. This legislation would allow Build Canada Homes to operate at arm's length from the government, manage assets, deploy innovative financial tools and make long-term investment decisions more efficiently.
     This is the power of partnership: implementing transformative change. We are working together to build a strong and more unified approach to truly affordable housing across this country.
(1955)
    Mr. Speaker, I thank my hon. colleague across the way for her advocacy. She mentioned the infrastructure needed even before we build homes, for things like water. I note that the Liberals have 11 years of broken promises when it comes to the promises they made about indigenous water, in addition to breaking their promise in this Parliament on water legislation two times.
     Let us grant them leniency on that just for now and say they are going to build homes for indigenous communities. There is a shortage of 157,000 homes on first nations reserves alone. What dent would Build Canada Homes put in that? What is the specific number of homes it would build on reserve?
    Mr. Speaker, it is an excellent question. It speaks to the spirit of collaboration that exists in this legislation. Because there would be multiple departments that might be involved, Build Canada Homes could help coordinate that.
     I also talked in my remarks about the partnerships with the provinces and territories. It would not be up to the Government of Canada to make those decisions. They would be made in partnership with its provincial and territorial counterparts.
(2000)

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, I have a very simple question for my colleague. I would like to know if she is aware of the impact that this new administrative structure, the so-called Build Canada Homes, has had in places like Laurentides—Labelle, where projects have not been allowed to move forward, leaving women who are victims of violence without the safe havens they need. Construction has been put on hold while people figure out where the funding is, and I am not sure it will ever be completed.
    Is my colleague aware that, if transfers to Quebec had not been suspended, women who are victims of violence would not have been left out in the cold?
    Mr. Speaker, that is an extremely important problem. If that is really the case, it is a shame that there was such turmoil in the transition between programs. The member has an email address where she can directly make demands and ask questions of Build Canada Homes. I would encourage her to do so.
    What I would say is that Build Canada Homes will provide far more housing for abused women and people in precarious situations. We know that affordable housing is key; it is vital for women to be able to escape violent situations. We completely agree on that. The goal is really to invest so that we can build more affordable housing, as well as transitional housing.

[English]

     Mr. Speaker, I appreciate many of the words my colleague put on the record. I want her to expand upon the idea of how important it is to work in collaboration, particularly with the provinces, indigenous people and other stakeholders, in order to ensure that we have more affordable housing. I was actually very pleased when she made reference to her home province having somewhere in the neighbourhood of 1,400 homes. I believe that is what she indicated. Some of them will be in her own riding. Could she expand on that?
     I know Nova Scotia is not alone. New Brunswick will also have 1,000 homes, or it is right around the 1,000 mark.
     Again, how important is working in collaboration? Could my colleague reflect on her own riding being able to benefit because of that collaboration working?
    Mr. Speaker, every province is going to have a different municipal act. Every province is going to have different regulations. Every municipality may as well. That collaboration is important, and so is streamlining some of those rules so that we can move faster. The provinces clearly need to collaborate. It is often their responsibility to ultimately provide the supports that go into supportive housing. All of this is intended to accelerate where there is provincial will, territorial will and first nations interest so that we can work together to find solutions for a project that are suitable for its context.
    That is the difference with Build Canada Homes. It can bring in land. It can help with financing and it may know of other investors. This new structure creates that flexibility.
     Mr. Speaker, I would like to start off by recognizing a great event that happened in Oxford County not too long ago, the Woodstock Truck Show. It started out in Woodstock 12 years ago, but it has, sadly, moved out to the border with Burford, which falls in Brant County. This group does fantastic work uniting truckers from North America, who come together and raise money for such great causes. This year alone, they have raised almost $150,000 to support the Special Olympics and also WDDS in Woodstock. These guys deserve respect. Our truckers move our goods. They feed our families. They are always there, so we want to recognize them for that great accomplishment.
     Today's topic of homebuilding is an important one. The government for the last 11 years has been making these big promises, grand announcements and photo ops, saying it is going to start building homes and going to build 500,000 homes in a single year, but instead, we have had the opposite. Housing costs have doubled. Mortgage payments have doubled. Rent payments have doubled. The down payment needed for a new home has doubled. A whole generation is now out of the market. There are builders who are not building, sellers who are not selling and buyers who are not buying, and that is taking a great toll on Canadians.
    Young entrepreneurs and young Canadians have always dreamed of owning a home one day. That is gone. Nine in 10 young folks believe they will never be able to buy a home. They want to have their own home. They want to start a family. We had that in Canada before, where if someone worked hard, played by the rules and had a decent job, they could save money for a down payment, buy a decent home in a good, safe neighbourhood and raise their family with their values. That was the Canadian promise, but we are not seeing that anymore. Instead of standing up for Canadians and actually making their lives easier, what do we get from the Liberals? It is the same old same old.
     The Prime Minister made all these big promises, that this is a new government, that it was going to change things and that it was not like the old government, but if I look across the aisle, I see the exact same ministers and the exact same MPs. They are the same MPs and ministers who caused this housing crisis we have today. The former housing minister caused the immigration crisis, and then he became the housing minister and destroyed the housing industry. Now he is justice minister, and he has destroyed the justice system. The Liberals have caused these crises in our communities.
    Before someone can even buy a home, they have to survive. Right now, Canadians are working harder and harder but barely getting by. They cannot save for that down payment anymore. Heck, they cannot even buy groceries anymore. We have 2.2 million Canadians visiting food banks in a single month, which is a record high. One in 10 of them are seniors, and one in four of them are young children. As a father, knowing that kids are going to school hungry bothers me. It should bother every single member in the chamber. Children should be going to school with full stomachs, with food in their bellies, ready to learn to be the leaders of the next generation, but thanks to the government, we have seen the opposite.
    The Liberals could heckle me. I know they love heckling. They get upset when we talk about the facts because it goes against their narrative and what they are selling to the media, but Canadians know. They see through this nonsense. They are seeing through it. They are seeing that Canadians are struggling.
     I can tell the House a few stories from my riding, Oxford, just from this last week. The government said it was going to hand out these food credits. Some people got $18. Some of them got $5, but the government promised them a lot more than that. On this side of the House, we will always stand for tax cuts and we would make sure that money goes back in the pockets of Canadians, but not how the government does it.
(2005)
    Here is a story from Dezmond. He says that “life gets harder for young Canadians with families like myself with additional taxes and the increase in cost of living, as an apprentice I'm losing hours for my full time job [and can't] start a career”. He cannot afford to live in this country.
    Tiffany is a single mother raising two teenage boys. Her aging parents, who are retired, are sending her $1,000 a month for food and to help with rent money. This is despite her having a job, and at the end of the month, she has $64 left from that $1,000 transfer. That is a story we are hearing right across our country: Parents are now subsidizing their kids' future.
    This new bureaucracy the Liberals announced would do absolutely nothing to fix the affordability crisis, but it would continue to line the pockets of Liberal insiders. They want to make another bureaucracy, another one, on homebuilding, where they choose the executive, they choose the projects, they choose the dollar amount, they try to hide behind closed doors, and there is a lack of transparency. Again, the rich get richer, and average working-class Canadians continue to struggle.
    Here is a coincidence. I wonder what one of the biggest real estate asset managers in the country is. Does anyone know what company it is? I wonder. It is Brookfield. Surprise, surprise, Brookfield is one of Canada's largest asset managers. I wonder who has connections to that company. We have to ask these questions. We need transparency in the House. We need to know where the funds would be going. It is not fair that Canadians work their butts off, make the sacrifices, stay away from their families—
    An hon. member: Play by the rules.
    Arpan Khanna: That's exactly right. They play by all the rules, Mr. Speaker, yet they are being pushed right to the back.
    As for the numbers on housing that the Liberals have promised, they are not even meeting those targets. I think they hit 2.1% of the target they themselves set. In what occupation or job is failure rewarded like that? They should be held accountable for their failures.
    Canadians see right through these illusions that the Prime Minister is creating. Canadians are waking up. The Prime Minister is great for giving large, grand speeches, and I will be honest. In his Davos speech, the Prime Minister said some of the right stuff. Some stuff made sense, but homes cannot be built with empty words, stomachs cannot be filled with empty words, and jobs cannot be created in this country with empty words, and that is all we are getting with the Liberal government.
    There is another concern we have when the Liberals talk about homebuilding. I am seeing this rural sprawl happening into our farmland. We are seeing our farms being taken away. In Oxford County, that is a big concern for us. Our farmers are the backbone of Oxford County. They are the backbone of our country. They feed our families. It is a very big concern for me to see some of that farmland being taken away. Once farmland is paved over, it is gone forever.
    In Oxford County, we have class 1 land, which is some of the best farmland in the country. Members talk about a self-reliant country. Food security is a priority. Domestic production, making more, growing more and harvesting more here in Canada, should be a priority. When the Liberals have reckless projects taking away our farmland, that is a problem. One of those projects that we hear about is happening in eastern Ontario. My colleague is here today. She has been a great advocate fighting against the Alto train project, another boondoggle waiting to happen.
    The Liberals are taking away land from our farmers. Our farmers need that land, and they will be here in Parliament to raise their voices. I really encourage the members across the aisle to please join the Conservatives, to join colleagues like mine from eastern Ontario, who are raising serious concerns about this.
    The Liberals can talk all they want. The words are not meeting the action. We are not seeing the results. It has been over a year now. They have their majority government. They have no excuses.
(2010)
    Homelessness should not be going up, but it is, under their watch. Tent cities are popping up everywhere, in Winnipeg too. I was there a few months ago, and I met with the mayor. He is seeing a crisis in his community with crime, and he is seeing tent cities. They are raising serious concerns. Again, there is money for the wealthy but nothing for those who are struggling. That has to change.
    That is why Conservatives have always put forward solutions to make sure we can build more homes at an affordable price that all Canadians would be able to purchase. That is why we raised the issue of cutting GST on new homes priced up to $1.3 million, saving the average family $65,000. That is a big chunk of change that would help stimulate the economy but also give that first-time homebuyer a chance to get into the market.
     We have talked about removing the capital gains tax, so investors could invest and those folks who want to buy their first rental property could get into the market. We want to create that economic environment where money is coming back to our country, unlike the Liberals. We have seen money going down south in the last 11 years.
     We have talked about incentivizing municipalities, making sure that we could become one of the fastest places to permit. Canada is one of the slowest permitting jurisdictions in the OECD. I think we place 63rd out of 67. That is pretty bad. We have the highest housing cost per capita in the G7 and the highest household debt in the G7. Those are serious concerns.
    Conservatives would incentivize municipalities, so if they permitted faster, they would get a bonus when it came to infrastructure funding, as well. We want to get out of the way. These reckless red tape regulations that profit only the insiders have to go. Let the builders build. Let our farmers farm. Let us not block progress happening in our country. That is our Conservative plan, a plan where young Canadians could buy a home, where our seniors could retire in peace, with dignity, and where our workers, when they make that sacrifice, would be able to purchase a home. Let us stop the bureaucracy. Let us get shovels in the ground.
    With that, I move:
    That the House do now adjourn.
(2015)
     The question is on the motion.
    If a member participating in person wishes that the motion be carried or carried on division, or if a member of a recognized party participating in person wishes to request a recorded division, I would invite them to rise and indicate it to the Chair.
    Mr. Speaker, I request a recorded division.
    Call in the members.
(2100)
    (The House divided on the motion, which was negatived on the following division:)

(Division No. 144)

YEAS

Members

Aboultaif
Aitchison
Albas
Allison
Anstey
Arnold
Au
Baber
Bailey
Baldinelli
Barlow
Barrett
Begum
Berthold
Bexte
Bezan
Block
Bonk
Borrelli
Bragdon
Brassard
Brock
Calkins
Caputo
Chambers
Cobena
Cody
Cooper
Dalton
Davidson
Davies (Niagara South)
Deltell
DeRidder
Diotte
Doherty
Dowdall
Duncan
Falk (Battlefords—Lloydminster—Meadow Lake)
Falk (Provencher)
Gallant
Généreux
Genuis
Gill (Calgary Skyview)
Gill (Brampton West)
Gill (Calgary McKnight)
Gill (Windsor West)
Gill (Abbotsford—South Langley)
Godin
Goodridge
Gourde
Groleau
Guglielmin
Gunn
Hallan
Hardy
Ho
Hoback
Holman
Jackson
Jansen
Jivani
Kelly
Khanna
Kibble
Kirkland
Konanz
Kram
Kramp-Neuman
Kronis
Kuruc
Kusie
Lake
Lawrence
Lawton
Lefebvre
Leslie
Lewis (Essex)
Lewis (Haldimand—Norfolk)
Lloyd
Lobb
Mahal
Malette (Kapuskasing—Timmins—Mushkegowuk)
Mantle
Martel
May
Mazier
McCauley
McLean (Calgary Centre)
Melillo
Menegakis
Moore
Morin
Muys
Nater
Patzer
Paul-Hus
Redekopp
Rempel Garner
Richards
Roberts
Rood
Ross
Rowe
Ruff
Scheer
Schmale
Shipley
Small
Steinley
Stevenson
Strahl
Strauss
Thomas
Tochor
Uppal
Van Popta
Vien
Viersen
Vis
Wagantall
Warkentin
Waugh
Williamson
Zimmer

Total: -- 124


NAYS

Members

Acan
Al Soud
Ali
Alty
Anandasangaree
Auguste
Bains
Baker
Bardeesy
Barsalou-Duval
Battiste
Beaulieu
Beech
Belanger (Desnethé—Missinippi—Churchill River)
Bendayan
Bittle
Blois
Bonin
Brière
Brunelle-Duceppe
Carney
Carr
Casey
Chagger
Champagne
Champoux
Chang
Chartrand
Chatel
Chen
Chenette
Chi
Clark
Connors
Cormier
Coteau
Dandurand
Danko
DeBellefeuille
d'Entremont
Deschênes
Deschênes-Thériault
Desrochers
Dhaliwal
Dhillon
Diab
Duclos
Duguid
Dzerowicz
Earle
Ehsassi
El-Khoury
Erskine-Smith
Eyolfson
Fancy
Fanjoy
Fergus
Fisher
Fonseca
Fortier
Fortin
Fragiskatos
Fraser
Fry
Fuhr
Gaheer
Gainey
Garon
Gasparro
Gaudreau
Gazan
Gerretsen
Gill (Côte-Nord—Kawawachikamach—Nitassinan)
Gladu
Gould
Grant
Greaves
Guay
Gull-Masty
Hanley
Harrison
Hepfner
Hirtle
Hodgson
Housefather
Hussen
Iacono
Idlout
Jaczek
Jeneroux
Joly
Joseph
Kayabaga
Kelloway
Khalid
Klassen
Koutrakis
Kwan
Lalonde
Lambropoulos
Lamoureux
Lapointe (Rivière-des-Mille-Îles)
Lapointe (Sudbury)
Larouche
Lattanzio
Lauzon
Lavack
Lavoie
LeBlanc
Leitão
Lemire
Lightbound
Long
Louis (Kitchener—Conestoga)
Ma
MacDonald (Malpeque)
MacDonald (Cardigan)
MacKinnon (Gatineau)
Malette (Bay of Quinte)
Maloney
Martin
McGuinty
McKelvie
McKinnon (Coquitlam—Port Coquitlam)
McKnight
McLean (Esquimalt—Saanich—Sooke)
McPherson
Ménard
Mendès
Michel
Miedema
Miller
Mingarelli
Morrissey
Myles
Naqvi
Nathan
Nguyen
Noormohamed
Normandin
Ntumba
Oliphant
Olszewski
O'Rourke
Osborne
Perron
Petitpas Taylor
Powlowski
Provost
Ramsay
Rana
Robertson
Rochefort
Romanado
Royer
Sahota
Saini
Sarai
Sari
Savard-Tremblay
Sawatzky
Schiefke
Sgro
Sheehan
Sidhu (Brampton East)
Sidhu (Brampton South)
Simard
Sodhi
Solomon
Sousa
Ste-Marie
St-Pierre
Sudds
Tesser Derksen
Thompson
Turnbull
Valdez
van Koeverden
Vandenbeld
Villeneuve
Watchorn
Weiler
Wilkinson
Yip
Zahid
Zuberi

Total: -- 186


PAIRED

Members

Anand
Church
Dabrusin
Dancho
Epp
Hajdu
Hogan
Plamondon
Reynolds
Stubbs
Thériault
Zerucelli

Total: -- 12


    I declare the motion defeated.

[Translation]

    Pursuant to order made earlier today, it is my duty to interrupt the proceedings and put forthwith every question necessary to dispose of the third reading stage of the bill now before the House.
    The question is on the motion.

[English]

    If a member participating in person wishes that the motion be carried or carried on division, or if a member of a recognized party participating in person wishes to request a recorded division, I would invite them to rise and indicate it to the Chair.
    The hon. parliamentary secretary to the government House leader.
    Mr. Speaker, I would request a recorded vote.
    Pursuant to Standing Order 45, the division stands deferred until Wednesday, June 10, 2026, at the expiry of the time provided for Oral Questions.

Protecting Victims Act

    Mr. Speaker, I would like to start by seeking unanimous consent to share my time with the hon. member for Prescott—Russell—Cumberland.
     Is it agreed?
    Some hon. members: Agreed.
     Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to rise today at third reading of Bill C-16, the protecting victims act. This legislation reflects a simple but important principle: Our laws must keep pace with the realities that Canadians face today. Crime evolves. Technology evolves. The experiences of victims evolve—
(2105)

[Translation]

    I have to interrupt the hon. member.
    The hon. member for Laurentides—Labelle on a point of order.
    Mr. Speaker, unfortunately, we have no interpretation.

[English]

     It is working now?
    The hon. parliamentary secretary can pick up from where he left off. The interpretation is working again.
    Mr. Speaker, crime evolves. Technology evolves. The experiences of victims evolve. Parliament has a responsibility to ensure that our criminal laws evolve as well.
    The protecting victims act responds to the realities of modern victimization. It strengthens protections for victims and survivors. It addresses emerging forms of abuse and exploitation. It increases accountability for serious offenders. It provides law enforcement and the courts with additional tools to help keep Canadians safe.
    Throughout the debate, we have discussed public safety, violence against women, child protection, online exploitation and victims' rights. These are not abstract issues. This is about real people. This affects families in every part of the country. They deserve a meaningful response from Parliament.

[Translation]

    The protecting victims act directly addresses the concerns of victims, survivors, community organizations and justice system experts across the country. It aims to better protect vulnerable people and ensure that our laws reflect today's realities.

[English]

    One of the most significant measures in the legislation would be the creation of a new offence of coercive control. For many years, survivors and advocates have told us that abuse begins long before physical violence occurs. Very often it begins with intimidation, isolation, manipulation or threats. It begins with a pattern of behaviour designed to dominate another person's life. Victims may be cut off from family and friends. Their finances may be controlled, their communications may be monitored, and their independence may gradually be taken away.
    Taken together, these actions can create an environment of fear and control that has devastating consequences, yet too often, intervention occurs only after violence has escalated. Too often, warning signs are recognized only after a tragedy has occurred.
    The protecting victims act would represent an important step forward. By creating a new offence of coercive control, Parliament would recognize that abuse is not defined only by physical violence, but that psychological abuse, emotional abuse and patterns of domination and control matter, and that victims deserve protection before violence escalates.

[Translation]

    All too often, victims wonder why no one intervened sooner. Creating a new offence related to coercive control finally recognizes a reality that survivors have been describing for years. This measure gives authorities an additional tool to intervene earlier and better protect those at risk.

[English]

    Another major focus of the protecting victims act is the protection of children. I believe that every member of the House can agree that children deserve to be safe, protected, and free from exploitation. Unfortunately, criminals increasingly use digital platforms to groom victims, distribute exploitative materials, engage in sextortion and facilitate abuse. The Internet has created tremendous opportunities, but it has also created new risks. The law must keep pace with those risks.
    The protecting victims act would strengthen the legal framework related to child sexual exploitation and online abuse. It would make reporting requirements mandatory for social media companies when child sexual abuse material and exploitative content are identified. Canadians rightly expect digital platforms to act responsibly and to co-operate in protecting children from exploitation. Parents expect Parliament to respond when criminals use modern technology to target young people. The legislation would be exactly that response.
(2110)

[Translation]

    Protecting children should never be a partisan issue. The fight against the sexual exploitation of children should never be a partisan issue. We all have a responsibility to act when the safety of young people is at risk.

[English]

    The protecting victims act would also respond to the growing threat of sexually explicit deepfakes and image-based abuse. Technology continues to evolve at an extraordinary pace. Artificial intelligence has created remarkable opportunities, but it can also be misused. We have seen disturbing images of sexually explicit images being created and distributed without consent. Women and girls have been disproportionately targeted by these harmful practices.
    No one should have to fear that their likeness will be manipulated and weaponized against them. No one should have to endure the trauma of discovering that sexually explicit images have been created or shared without their consent. The protecting victims act would modernize the Criminal Code to address these realities and ensure that victims are protected, regardless of whether abuse occurs online or off-line.
    Accountability is another important principle underlying the legislation. Canadians expect serious consequences for serious crimes. That expectation is reasonable and is reflected in the protecting victims act. The legislation would restore more than a dozen mandatory minimum penalties related to serious child sexual offences, would increase penalties for child predators and would strengthen the criminal justice response to some of the most serious crimes in our society. Children who experience sexual exploitation often carry that trauma throughout their life. Families are devastated. Communities are shaken. The consequences extend far beyond the immediate offence. Our justice system must respond accordingly.
    The legislation would also recognize that victims need support throughout the justice process. For many victims, the crime itself is only the beginning of a difficult journey. Participating in criminal proceedings can be intimidating, stressful and retraumatizing. The protecting victims act would expand access to testimonial aids and support measures to help victims and witnesses participate more fully in the justice process.

[Translation]

    The act would also expand access to support services for victims and witnesses. It would help make the justice system more accessible, more compassionate and more attuned to the needs of people who have already been through traumatic experiences.

[English]

    These reforms would help improve the experience of victims, while supporting the broader goal of ensuring that justice is both done and seen to be done.
    Yesterday, some members of the House voted against the protecting victims act at report stage. That was their decision, but they will have to explain to Canadians why they opposed legislation that would create a new offence of coercive control, strengthen protections for children and victims and restore minimum mandatory penalties for serious child sexual offences.
    For our part, we are proud to support the legislation. We are proud to support victims, we are proud to support survivors, and we are proud to support safer communities. At the end of the day, the questions before us are straightforward: Do we believe victims deserve stronger protections? Do we believe children deserve greater safeguards against exploitation? Do we believe survivors deserve to be heard? Do we believe our laws should evolve to meet emerging threats? Do we believe Parliament should act when change is needed? I believe that the answer to all these questions is yes, and that is why I encourage everyone in this place to support the bill at third reading.
    Mr. Speaker, I really appreciate how the member for Mount Royal set out the bill in such a manner that one would think it is very straightforward. We often hear members in the official opposition say that they want the government to deal with crime in a stronger way, and they talk about the importance of victims. Based on what we heard from the member for Mount Royal, one can easily come to the conclusion that this is legislation that one would expect the Conservative Party not only to vote in favour of but also to be anxious to have become law.
    I wonder if the member could provide his thoughts regarding how we would have a better and healthier society by passage of the legislation.
    Mr. Speaker, I always appreciate the parliamentary secretary's questions.
     The goal of the current government is for people to both be safe and feel safe, and for communities to be safer. That is why the government brought forward an ambitious agenda of criminal reforms that would make it tougher for bad people and repeat offenders to get bail, would make sure victims of hate crimes have better access to police tools to prosecute those hate crimes, and, in this case, would make sure victims are protected, particularly women and children, who, in many different instances, disproportionately bear the threat of coercive control or exploitation.
    The bill is an important piece of the tool kit, a tool in the tool kit for police and prosecutors. It is important for victims and other Canadians, and I encourage everyone to get on board and vote for the bill.
(2115)
    Mr. Speaker, I completely agree that we need to keep our communities safe and to protect victims of any sort of violence and criminality in Canada, so I am going to ask a very simple question: If this is the true intent of the bill, why would the Liberals make mandatory minimum penalties optional?
    Mr. Speaker, there is no reasonable way that the bill can be interpreted as making mandatory minimums optional. What the bill would do is prevent courts from striking down minimum mandatory sentences based on hypotheticals. This should be exactly the type of bill Conservatives would support. Conservatives have railed against what the courts have done to strike down minimum mandatory sentences based on hypotheticals.
    I refer to the Senneville decision last year. This bill would restore minimum mandatory sentences and prevent courts from doing what was done in Senneville, by allowing courts to assess only the individual before them and not to strike down the entire category based on one hypothetical situation. The hon. member should read the bill again.

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, I would like to know my colleague's thoughts about the study in committee of Bill C-16. The Conservatives made a lot of deliberate attempts to obstruct the work. While purporting to bring amendments beyond the scope of the bill, our colleagues engaged in endless filibustering.
    Considering that we made some progress and that we support the bill, even though it may not be perfect, what does my colleague think of the Conservatives' behaviour?
    Mr. Speaker, as my hon. colleague said, this legislation is a step forward. Everyone needs to be pragmatic. We will never get everything we want, but this bill is very good news for everyone who wants safer communities in Canada. It was unfortunate to have to sit in committee hour after hour as our colleagues tried to derail this bill.
    Like the other justice bills that we introduced, this is something very important to Canadians.

[English]

     Mr. Speaker, I really appreciated the comments the member shared. I know we do not have a lot of time before the next member speaks, so I would just ask the member to perhaps use this time to share with Canadians what the bill would do, so we can minimize the misinformation or disinformation out there.
    Mr. Speaker, one easy example is that of an AI-created sexual image of a person. Our previous law had not advanced to the point of addressing a person's having sexual images of them shared from AI. The bill would now cover that circumstance to make sure we can prosecute people doing something like that.
    Mr. Speaker, I rise in the House today to speak about an issue that demands not only our highest attention but also our sustained and collective action: violence against women and girls, and the protection of victims and survivors across Canada.
    Violence against women is not abstract. It is not rare. It is not confined to headlines or statistics. It is happening in our communities, in our neighbourhoods and too often behind closed doors. It affects women of all ages, backgrounds and regions, including in my riding of of Prescott—Russell—Cumberland. This is why the protecting victims act would represent one of the most significant and necessary updates to Canada's criminal justice system in generations.
    While broad in scope, the legislation can be clearly understood through four core pillars: first, tackling gender-based and intimate partner violence; second, protecting children from predators; third, strengthening victims' rights; and fourth, addressing court delays and strengthening system integrity. Together, these reforms would modernize the Criminal Code to respond to contemporary threats, intervene earlier to prevent violence and ensure that the justice system works faster, more fairly and more compassionately for victims and survivors.
(2120)

[Translation]

    Gender-based violence is rarely an isolated act. It is more of a cycle of control, fear and intimidation. This bill recognizes coercive and controlling behaviour, strengthens offences related to criminal harassment and modernizes the offence of non-consensual distribution of an intimate image to reflect the real harm caused by online sexual violence. It also recognizes the most tragic outcome of this violence by classifying femicide as first-degree murder, sending a clear message. Hate crimes and gender-based crimes will face the full extent of the law.

[English]

    Children face growing risks in a digital world where predators increasingly use technology to exploit and harm. Police-reported child sexual abuse and exploitation offences are now more than 12 times higher than in 2008. This legislation would strengthen protections by expanding child luring offences and sextortion offences, addressing youth recruitment and restoring mandatory minimum penalties for the most serious child sexual offences, with a safety valve to ensure just and constitutional sentences. It would send a clear message: Crimes against children will always be treated with the utmost seriousness.

[Translation]

    Justice is not just about convictions. It is also about how victims are treated at every step of the process. Too many survivors feel invisible, experience delays and are retraumatized by complex procedures. This bill strengthens the Canadian Victims Bill of Rights by building a trauma-informed, victim-centred justice system. It affirms victims' rights to respect and fairness, ensures the proactive disclosure of information, expands access to testimonial aids and clarifies victims' right to submit impact statements throughout the sentencing, parole and correctional system stages. It also improves information sharing so that victims are not left in the dark about decisions that affect their safety.

[English]

    Delays in the justice system have serious consequences. Too often, cases involving sexual assault and violent crime collapse before they are ever heard. The protecting victims act would respond directly by requiring that courts consider alternatives before dismissing cases for delay, modernizing how unreasonable delay is assessed and streamlining procedures in sexual offence trials. It would also expand the use of alternative and restorative measures where appropriate and where public safety is not at risk, ensuring accountability while preserving fairness.
    The urgency of this legislation cannot be overstated. In 2024 alone, 187 women were violently killed in Canada, which is nearly one woman every two days. Behind every number is a life lost, a family devastated and a community forever changed. Victims continue to face barriers, retraumatization, a lack of information, procedural complexity and delays that erode confidence in the justice system. National inquiries, provincial inquests and the national action plan to end gender-based violence have all called for stronger protections, earlier interventions and a more reliable justice process. This legislation would answer those calls.

[Translation]

     Laws are important, but what happens on the ground is just as important. In my riding, Prescott—Russell—Cumberland, organizations like Maison Interlude show us what concrete, effective support looks like. For over 40 years, Maison Interlude has placed women who are victims of domestic violence and their children at the heart of its mission. Thanks to the leadership of pioneering feminists and the dedication of its staff, Maison Interlude has become a true lifeline for families fleeing violence.
    That is why, last November, I was proud to announce, on behalf of the Minister of Housing and Infrastructure, more than $17 million in federal funding through the affordable housing fund to support the construction of 35 safe housing units in Embrun. This second-stage housing project will provide women and children fleeing violence with a safe, stable, and supportive living environment, an essential bridge between emergency shelter and long-term self-sufficiency. Each resident will receive personalized support to rebuild her life, regain her independence, and plan for a safer future. We will not only provide these women with a roof over their heads; we will offer them the stability and dignity they deserve. This is how policies come to life. This is how justice becomes tangible.
(2125)

[English]

     The protecting victims act is about accountability. It is about prevention, and above all, it is about dignity. It builds on earlier reforms and represents the next major step in strengthening safety and justice for Canadians. It reflects a clear commitment to protecting women, children and all victims of violence, in law, in practice and in our communities.
    As we work to build Canada strong, we must ensure that strength is measured not only by economic independence, but also by how we protect the most vulnerable among us. I urge all members of the House to support this legislation and to stand with victims and survivors across Canada.

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, I would like to ask my colleague the following question. The Bloc Québécois proposed an amendment that would correct a mistake and improve legal support.
    I would like to know why the government members voted against that amendment when the rationale behind our proposal was sound and justified.
    Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for that great question.
    The bill establishes national standards under the Criminal Code while respecting provincial jurisdictions. The legislation already supports the provincial efforts in question.

[English]

    Mr. Speaker, the Liberals are saying that they are putting forward legislation in an attempt to make Canada safer, to be harder on criminals and to support victims of crime. However, in my own city of Calgary, in the last 10 days alone, we have had four shootings. What this is indicating to me is that Canada, under Liberal rule, is not any safer. I am really beginning to question, as I am sure many Canadians are, and I know certainly Calgarians are, if the legislation that the Liberal government has been putting forward for 10 years now is really contributing to a safer Canada.
    I would like to know what the member thinks about that.
    Mr. Speaker, I will be honest. So much more has to be done to protect women and children from violence and from domestic violence and abuse. There is no question that more needs to be done.
    This bill is bringing forward and would essentially be providing a generational approach to reforming the Criminal Code to do, as much as possible, more than has been done in the past generation to support these issues. It never stops. We have to continue addressing the issues as they evolve, as technology evolves, as the judicial systems evolve and as instances of violence evolve. We have to keep going, but I do see in this legislation that the most we could do would be done, and that does not stop today.

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, I sincerely thank my colleague for her eloquence and for the way she presented this bill and its various provisions. I would like to highlight a very important aspect of this bill, and that is the support it provides to municipalities and police forces.
    I would like to ask my colleague if she could elaborate on the issue of victims' rights, expand on her thoughts on that and, obviously, tell us how this bill will provide more protection for survivors of violence.
(2130)
    Mr. Speaker, this bill is built on four fundamental pillars to support victims: combatting gender-based violence and intimate partner violence, protecting children from predators, strengthening victims' rights and reducing court delays.
    Together, these reforms modernize the Criminal Code to address contemporary threats, intervene earlier to prevent violence and ensure that the justice system operates more quickly and more fairly for victims and survivors.

[English]

    We have time for a very short question.
    Mr. Speaker, the protecting victims act would remove mandatory minimums. It would give judges that freedom. My question for the member opposite is very short. When a victim's offender walks out of—
    I did say a very short question.
    The hon. member for Prescott—Russell—Cumberland has 15 seconds or less.
    Mr. Speaker, I am sorry. I did not actually understand the question, but I thank everyone.
     Mr. Speaker, I would like to start my intervention by asking for unanimous consent to split my time with my colleague, the member for Montmorency—Charlevoix.
    Is it agreed?
    Some hon. members: Agreed.
    Mr. Speaker, it is always a pleasure and a privilege to rise on behalf of the good people of my riding.
    This is now the third, or possibly the fourth, substantive intervention I have made on Bill C-16, not to mention the numerous interventions during our study at the justice committee and our extensive discussions during clause-by-clause consideration. I want to take this opportunity to pivot in a new direction. I want to take this opportunity to explain to Canadians the truth behind the bill, not the fiction and not the utopian world that the Liberal government is trying to portray.
    We have heard so often that it is like Chicken Little. The new Liberal government says that it is so serious about community safety and victim rights and that it is taking its responsibilities seriously. I have always said, during the numerous town halls I have conducted across this country, that the number one responsibility for the tired Liberal government is to keep Canadians safe. Why is it that after the 2025 election, there are three pieces of criminal legislation that would only move the needle so far but would not complete what is necessary to restore balance in our criminal justice system?
     We could take, for instance, Bill C-9. Everything was progressing reasonably at committee on Bill C-9 until a backroom deal was brokered between the justice minister and the Bloc Québécois to remove a 52-year-old statutory defence in the Criminal Code and potentially criminalize preachers and faith leaders who read out passages from their religious texts. That is Bill C-9.
    On Bill C-14, the government heard from all major stakeholders in this country for years. They were pleading and begging the government to give them the tools to keep violent repeat criminals off the streets. They were terrorizing communities and terrorizing victims. The government claims that it listened to those calls. It introduced Bill C-14. We talked about the principle of restraint in Bill C-14, which the government introduced under Justin Trudeau in 2019. It mandated that all accused were to be released at the earliest opportunity on the least restrictive conditions. We Conservatives said that we needed to put the appropriate brakes on those who would terrorize our communities repeatedly. We needed to replace the principle of restraint with the principle of protection of the community.
     Hence, the member for Oxford, my colleague, brought the jail not bail act, a reasonable piece of legislation supported by major police associations and chiefs across this country. The government rejected it, and now we are debating Bill C-16.
     Again, I want to separate fact from fiction. The fiction the government is trying to demonstrate and argue is that Conservatives were always obstructionist when it came to debating Bill C-16 in committee, when we were looking at and studying the bill. The fact of the matter is that 99% of Bill C-16 was always supported by the Conservative Party of Canada. There was a poison pill and a red line, which is contained in clause 63 of the bill, that would completely upend the effectiveness of our criminal sentencing regime. It would cause mandatory minimum penalties to no longer be considered mandatory minimum penalties by allowing judges, of their own accord or through application by the accused or their defence counsel, to argue that the application of a mandatory minimum penalty would result in cruel and unusual punishment.
    Where did this discussion come from? It came from that disastrous decision by our highest court just a few blocks down from this hallowed House, the Supreme Court of Canada. It ruled in Senneville that a one-year mandatory minimum penalty for the collection and the accessing of child sexual abuse material is contrary to section 12 of the charter.
(2135)
    These two individuals who brought their case to the Supreme Court of Canada had amassed hundreds and hundreds of still images and videos of victims as young as three years of age engaged in the most grotesque form of sexual activity with adults. Our learned justices down the road deemed that it would be cruel and unusual punishment to subject those two sadistic perverts to serve a one‑year mandatory minimum penalty. If I were the justice minister, I would say one year is not enough. Lock them up for five years, because that is where they belong, or longer. If we were talking about a similar case a few hours away from the Ottawa region in the United States, in New York state, those two sadistic perverts would be looking at double digits in prison. That is the difference between our two justice systems. What is even more appalling about that decision, and this is the problem with Bill C‑16, is that the trial judge on their own determined that notwithstanding the size of the collection and the content, as disturbing as it is, a one‑year mandatory minimum penalty was too harsh. That trial judge gave those two perverts a 45‑day weekend sentence.
     What was our reaction? The collective will of Canada was shaken at its core. What is going on with our judges? What is going on with our justice system? It is no small wonder that Canadians and victims have a lack of confidence in our criminal justice system, when they see the highest court in this country ruling in the fashion that it did. We urged and pleaded with the government to come up and deal with this and use the notwithstanding clause. Section 33 of the charter has been enshrined in our charter since 1982. We would not have a charter but for section 33, but no, the government cannot do that. No, we now have to give judges that ultimate discretion to determine on their own whether a mandatory minimum penalty is appropriate in the circumstances, and there are only a few guardrails. Condition number one is that the only two offences they cannot touch are murder and treason. Condition number two is that they have to impose a jail sentence. However, in that regard, there is nothing stopping judges across this country from imposing a one-day jail sentence or a time-served jail sentence. Under Bill C‑16, that would be a lawful sentence.
     I asked the justice minister repeatedly in this House and repeatedly at committee, if they wanted to bring back mandatory minimum penalties that have been struck down, why can they not go further and include everything that was eliminated by Bill C‑5? Bill C‑5 is that disastrous piece of legislation that I warned David Lametti, then justice minister, would lead to adverse consequences. Now we have drug traffickers of fentanyl and other kinds of synthetic opiates, whom the judges across this country are calling the merchants of death, enjoying conditional sentences. They were once to be locked up for years, but now they can make an argument for a conditional sentence. Our justice minister shamelessly refused to bring back mandatory minimum penalties for all the drug offences and the majority of the weapons offences, including extortion with a firearm, which is raging across this country.
     For all those reasons, as indicated, I would encourage this entire House to vote against Bill C‑16.
(2140)
    Mr. Speaker, my colleague opposite talks about the notwithstanding clause. Your government has said publicly that it would use the notwithstanding clause to take away the rights of Canadians, whether it is religious freedom or any others. This is why your party voted in favour of Bill C‑21, which would take rights away from Canadians.
    I would remind members to address their comments through the Chair.
    The hon. member for Brantford—Brant South—Six Nations.
    Mr. Speaker, the member is completely wrong in that assessment. We have always said, as a party, and our leader has been very clear, that we will use the notwithstanding clause when it comes to absurd criminal law and absurdity that has flowed from the Supreme Court of Canada when dealing with child sexual abuse material, which is a classic example.

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for his speech. I know that he has taken an interest in the issue of women's safety. He even participated in a few meetings of the Standing Committee on the Status of Women.
    Bill C‑16 incorporates many of the recommendations made by the Standing Committee on the Status of Women. These recommendations are based on requests from survivors and victims, particularly with regard to court delays and the criminalization of coercive control. The Standing Committee on the Status of Women made these recommendations and they have been incorporated into Bill C‑16.
    Did he discuss this with his Conservative colleagues?

[English]

    Mr. Speaker, I am not sure if I heard a question there, but I wholeheartedly agree with my colleague. There are definite enhancements when it comes to victim safety and victim procedure in Bill C‑16, which is why I said at the outset that 99% of the bill is supportable. We would be very supportive of splitting the bill and having the good parts, that 99%, pass into the Senate, but split off that poisonous safety valve consideration in proposed section 63, which is what we would like to have taken off.
     Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for both his compassion and his expertise.
    The member examined the fine print of the bill. The party opposite stands here promising to restore mandatory minimums, and on the very next page, would hand the judges' clauses to sentence below them, and no proportionality test. The Supreme Court told us in the Senneville case exactly how to draft minimums that survive. The bill ignored that road map.
    My question for my colleague is simple. When a victim's offender walks out at below the minimum sentence under the bill, who does he believe the party opposite will blame, the court or the bill that was written to let this happen?
(2145)
    Mr. Speaker, I would hope they would blame the justice, and more importantly, the tools that the justice relies upon, which the federal government provides, and this tool, Bill C‑16, is going to lead to absurd, obscene results across this country.
     I asked the justice minister to name one accused who is not going to say that a mandatory minimum penalty is going to lead to cruel and unusual punishment. Every single accused facing criminal charges where there is a mandatory minimum penalty is entitled to use that argument.
    Mr. Speaker, it is not the defence lawyer who ultimately makes the decision. It is the judge. What is very apparent is that the Conservative Party has absolutely no confidence in judicial independence or the ability of judges to make good decisions.
    It is a comment.
    Mr. Speaker, I guess the member opposite supports the trial judge's decision in Senneville that a 45‑day, weekend sentence for possessing hundreds of images of three-year-old girls being sodomized by men is entirely acceptable.

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, it is 9:45 p.m. in the House right now. Most Canadians are putting their kids to bed, helping them fall asleep, finishing up their day, finishing their evening and getting ready to go to sleep. They are not watching the work of Parliament, and that is exactly what the Liberals want. They are very happy when people are not watching what is happening here, because what the Liberals are doing right now, this evening, is ramming through bills that should be worked on over the course of a year, in collaboration with the opposition parties, in order to finally get everyone's agreement.
    It is not about getting their bills passed. It is about getting bills passed that all Canadians can relate to. Instead of doing that, they worked very hard to cobble together a majority behind the scenes, only to end up falling behind and trying to save what they can by speeding things up and making MPs sit in Parliament until midnight to try to get their bills passed.
    If you want a concrete example of what is happening right now and how the government operates, then just look at what is happening at the Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security with Bill C-22. The Privacy Commissioner of Canada, who is a completely independent individual, an officer of Parliament, whose job is specifically to protect the privacy rights of Canadians, has asked to testify on Bill C-22, a bill that will require electronic service providers to retain everyone's metadata for one year so that the government can access it. We are talking about Internet browsing history, phone numbers, the devices we use, and the people we are with. The commissioner said that this bill falls squarely within her mandate, that she has genuine concerns about Canadians' privacy, and that she wanted to testify.
    Parliament has a procedure known as “unanimous consent”. Any member can request it. It means that we now all agree to do something. Conservative members have requested unanimous consent to have the Privacy Commissioner of Canada participate in reviewing the bill. The Liberals refused. How strange. So the Conservatives tried a different tack. They moved to suspend a study of this clause in order to study it a short time later so that the commissioner could participate. Once again, the Liberals voted against it. There were two attempts and two refusals.
    The Liberals are forcing the Privacy Commissioner of Canada into silence to essentially stop her from protecting the rights of Canadians, whom she protects every day. This is not a procedural matter. This is a government that fears transparency. We see that on many issues, and we are seeing it right now with the massive Bill C-16. It contains some good things, and I am going to talk about that, but it also contains a little poison pill that needs to be discussed.
    It is important to understand that, when we vote on a bill, we are not just voting on a single one of its lines. We are voting on the whole document. As I was saying, there are some good things about this bill. Making sure that the killing of an intimate partner is automatically classified as first-degree murder is a very good thing. Our colleague, the member for Kamloops—Thompson—Nicola, is the one who suggested that. The bill seeks to ban deepfakes of intimate images. Once again, it was a Conservative member who suggested that. These are good things about the bill. However, unfortunately, this bill contains clause 63, and when it comes time to vote, we have to vote on the whole bill, including that provision.
    What does that provision say? As things now stand in Parliament, elected representatives have said that, if someone commits a serious crime, then they should go to prison for a predetermined minimum number of years with no exceptions. If a person commits a crime, then they know what they are facing. This is called a mandatory minimum sentence. It is the lower limit. It cannot get any lower than that. That is guaranteed. That is a promise that Parliament made to victims, that their perpetrators will have to face real consequences.
    However, clause 63, which the Liberals are proposing in Bill C-16, breaks that promise by saying that, if a judge considers the minimum sentence to be too harsh for a particular defendant, then the judge can disregard it and impose a lighter sentence. The Liberals want this new approach to apply to all or nearly all serious crimes in Canada, including aggravated sexual assault with the use of a firearm, human trafficking, shootings and weapons trafficking, just to name a few. Minimum sentences will not be required in any of those cases.
    Making minimum sentences optional for these crimes is really bad. Canadians are afraid, and rightly so. After a decade of Liberal government, human trafficking has increased by 84%, sexual assault has increased by 76%, and violent crime has increased by 55%. These are not just statistics on a page; these are families. These are women, these are children, these are victims. These are communities like mine, in Montmorency—Charlevoix, where people get up in the morning, work hard, raise their children and expect the government to protect them.
(2150)
    Meanwhile, what are the Liberals doing in response to rising violent crime across the country? They are introducing a bill that makes it easier for judges to hand down lighter sentences to people who commit serious crimes. Why are they doing all this? Do they want better incarceration statistics? Who are they doing this for? It is certainly not for victims and their families.
    Why are the Liberals always telling the House that criminals have rights, but never talking about victims' rights and what happens to them? It is an awful thing to behold.
    I am going to talk about what is actually happening in prisons right now. These are not theories. These are facts. Everything I am about to say is connected. Chapter one begins in 2019. With Bill C‑83, the Liberals ended the use of administrative segregation for the most violent inmates. Instead, these inmates, who are violent in prison, have comfortable living quarters and access to psychologists, nurses, even pet therapy and social support. How nice. All of this is funded by taxpayers.
    Chapter two begins in 2022. With Bill C‑5, the Liberals abolished minimum sentences for crimes involving firearms. Judges began imposing community service sentences on men and women who commit crimes involving illegal weapons, as well as gun smugglers and repeat offenders. One judge even wrote that he had to hold his nose after handing down the sentence he was obligated to impose.
    Now we are on chapter three. Bill C‑16 would basically make all remaining mandatory minimum sentences optional.
    At Donnacona, a prison located about 40 minutes from my riding, there have been four murders in less than a year. The wardens wrote to me. I speak to them regularly. They contact me. They say that there are illegal weapons coming in and that the number of violent criminals is going up. They talk about cleaning up blood and then having to go on with their day, pretending everything is normal. They tell me about the stress they are under every day.
    The correctional officers' union says that over 350 positions are vacant nationwide because officers are under so much stress at work these days that they are dropping like flies. Meanwhile, the administration wants to cut back on the number of officers on the job, but that decision would heap even more pressure on the remaining officers.
    That is what is going on. Violent criminals are violent on the streets but also behind bars. Criminals who are violent when they are free are also violent when they are incarcerated, yet the Liberals want to reduce these people's sentences. What message does that send?
    I was sent here to the House by the citizens of Montmorency—Charlevoix, but not to rubber-stamp bills on autopilot, nor to remain silent while the government strips away the tools that protect my constituents and the entire population of Quebec.
    The federal government should excel at a few things and stay out of matters that fall under provincial jurisdiction. Canadian laws are certainly something citizens should be able to trust, and our work here in Ottawa is important in that regard. We should focus on those matters, the ones that are the federal government's responsibility.
    The real danger to citizens, however, is not bound by ideology. When Parliament establishes a mandatory minimum sentence, it makes a promise. Elected representatives—people accountable to voters who are not appointed for life, people whom voters have chosen to send here—made a promise to defend them in Parliament.
    When section 63 of the bill allows a judge to circumvent that promise, it weakens not only politics, but our entire image and the public's trust in our institutions. The important thing to understand is that it is not my point of view that matters, but that of the people. Their opinion counts. Perhaps it is time for the Liberals to start listening to the people.
    I am going to tell Canadians exactly what happened in committee. We moved amendment 22. We said that, at the very least, the safety valve, the escape hatch from mandatory minimum sentences, should not apply to someone who already has a criminal record. We moved amendment 25. We said that sexual offences against children and serious drug trafficking offences should be completely excluded from the lightest sentences. Children deserve to be protected.
    In moving amendments 25.2 and 25.3, we said that aggravated sexual assault and extortion should also not be eligible for this safety valve. We also moved amendment 29, which had nothing to do with sentences. We just said that when an offender is convicted of intimate partner violence and released on parole, the victim should be automatically notified. Every one of our amendments was defeated.
(2155)
    I will stop there. Families in Montmorency—Charlevoix are watching what is happening. Quebeckers and Canadians are watching too. The government cannot make Canada safer by making criminals more comfortable.

[English]

     Mr. Speaker, the reality is that through Bill C-16, we would see the reinstatement of a number of mandatory minimums that were actually ruled out of order with respect to Canada's Charter of Rights. As a result, Bill C-16 would reinstate many of those mandatory minimums. It puts in the exceptional circumstances clause in order to protect the integrity of the laws so that they would not continue to be ruled as being against the charter. In other words, it would make them charter-compliant.
     It seems to me that the Conservative Party is just trying to find an excuse to justify its position.

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, this is a perfect example of what I was talking about in my speech. When these people talk about rights and freedoms, they are talking about the rights and freedoms of criminals. What about the rights of victims? Where are they? Victims are afraid, and the crime rate is rising. What message is being sent? We are leaving another loophole to allow violent criminals to get off scot-free and to give judges the option not to impose minimum sentences. No, that is not what our country needs.
     We need a strong justice system that makes it clear to criminals what consequences they will face if they commit a crime. The system must not give them free rein by suggesting that, in the end, they might be able to spend the rest of their lives at home while victims are forced to live in fear. That is a terrible message.
    Mr. Speaker, I congratulate my colleague from Montmorency—Charlevoix on his speech today. This week, I had the opportunity to sit with him briefly on the Standing Committee on Access to Information, Privacy and Ethics, of which I assume he is a full member.
    At that time, I had the opportunity to introduce a motion in which I denounced the close ties between the Liberals and the lobby representing the unregulated truckers responsible for the Drivers Inc. scheme, which undermines people's working conditions and causes accidents.
    The Liberals seem quite close to these people. Some of them are even Liberal activists who allegedly fund the Liberal Party. I asked that the committee look into the matter. I would like to know if I can count on the support of my colleague and the Conservative Party on this issue.
    Mr. Speaker, what an odd question. We are talking about victims' rights. We are talking about laws being loosened. The Liberals want to loosen our laws so criminals do not have to face justice.
     I cannot commit myself today and answer my colleague's question on behalf of the entire Conservative Party. His motion was tabled yesterday, and it will be analyzed. The Standing Committee on Access to Information, Privacy and Ethics is very strict and works very hard. We want to make sure that ethics is a central consideration in every decision. If there is work to be done and it is important that we do it, we will be there. Holding the Liberals accountable for their decisions is our daily bread and butter.
(2200)
     Mr. Speaker, my colleague has been a member of our Conservative team in the House for over a year now. I would love to hear his opinion on how the government is handling public safety and the justice system. I would love to hear what he thinks after a year in the House, compared to how he felt before being elected.
    Mr. Speaker, in the year since I joined the House, I have had the privilege of working alongside all my colleagues and with the Conservative Party. It is clear that, over the past year, the Liberals have spent more time working behind the scenes to cobble together a majority than trying to come to an agreement with the opposition. Yet that was the mandate given to them by the people, who elected a minority government. The Liberals had a mandate to work with the opposition to ensure that legislation serving the interests of all Canadians moves forward. It was not about imposing their vision, but rather respecting our vision. Every member of Parliament is sent by their constituents to get the job done here.
    That is not what the Liberals wanted to do. They did not spend their time working hard here; instead, they worked behind the scenes to cobble together a majority and then finally show up here, puff out their chests and claim that they are the ones in charge.
    Today, we are paying the price. We are here until midnight because the Liberals are trying to pull something off. They are trying to pass bills that they were unable to work on when it was actually time to do so.
    Mr. Speaker, speaking of what happens behind the scenes, it certainly does look like someone is hiding behind the curtain. I will leave it at that. Bill C‑16 is the topic of discussion tonight.
    In all seriousness, this bill seeks to better protect women. However, the problem I see from the outset is that this bill will not solve everything. I will be talking about that, and I know that my colleague from Laurentides—Labelle, with whom I will be sharing my time, will also be talking about that.
    We need unanimous consent for that.
    Is it agreed?
     Some hon. members: Agreed.
    The hon. member for Shefford may continue.
    This is the third time I have talked about this bill, though I am not a member of the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights. This bill ended up being extensively discussed by the Standing Committee on the Status of Women. I have already talked about it a lot.
    I may come back to Bill C‑16, but I also want to use my speech to talk about the fact that protecting women also requires better housing and local services. I will come back to that.
    The Bloc Québécois obviously supports the principle of Bill C‑16, which contains a number of important improvements for better protecting victims of violence. In particular, it recognizes coercive control. It strengthens certain victims' rights and modernizes criminal law. However, one fundamental question remains: Can a woman be truly safe if she has nowhere to go after escaping violence? Justice is essential, but our committee also heard over and over that justice alone is not enough. I will begin by talking about the housing issue. I will then move on to the improvements that Bill C‑16 contains. I will close by talking about what makes Quebec different in this domain.
    A woman fleeing violence first needs a place to live. Behind every criminal record and every case file is a woman who has made the extremely difficult decision to leave her abuser. This decision often means giving up her home, leaving her job, uprooting her children and losing her financial security. Without a housing solution, many women remain trapped in their situations. What we heard at committee from survivors is that shelters are more than just places of refuge. The evidence we heard at the Standing Committee on the Status of Women served as a reminder of this. Shelters are true places of recovery. They provide shelter, psychosocial support, legal assistance, financial aid, support for children and assistance in building autonomy. For many women, it is the first night in a long time that they can sleep without fearing for their lives or those of their loved ones.
    Housing is also a public safety issue. A woman who leaves an abusive partner often has to choose between returning to her abuser or living in precarious conditions. It is absolutely terrible. She has to wait months for affordable housing. As long as this reality persists, no reform of the Criminal Code will be enough. I have some telling statistics. In 2024-25, Canada had approximately 561 residential shelters for victims of violence. Despite this, officials still identify the lack of affordable housing as one of the main obstacles to a sustainable escape from violence.
    Research shows that women who have access to second-stage housing are much more likely to rebuild their lives and avoid returning to their abuser. Sexual violence remains vastly under-reported. In fact, nearly nine out of 10 sexual assaults are never reported to the police. In 2024, 81 women were killed by an intimate partner in Canada, including 25 in Quebec. There have already been 10 femicides in 2026. One of the first occurred in Rougemont, in the riding of Shefford.
    I also mentioned coercive control. I would like to talk about some of the progress this bill will achieve after first discussing the importance of offering abused women more extensive help. Tackling coercive control is an important step forward. The Bloc Québécois welcomes the creation of a coercive control offence. This recognition is essential. It follows on a study that the Standing Committee on the Status of Women did on my suggestion following a request by the Quebec National Assembly and members who had worked on a report on rebuilding trust. However, Ottawa did not budge.
    Late last year, after a number of years went by, the Standing Committee on the Status of Women held a press conference pointing out that one of the main recommendations in my report was to criminalize coercive control. This recognition is essential. Violence does not always leave visible wounds. The wounds can also be psychological, economic, social, digital or emotional.
(2205)
    Financial dependence is often an integral part of this type of control. Even under the best laws, a woman who cannot afford housing or food for her children remains vulnerable. We absolutely need to work toward women's economic empowerment, because we cannot break the cycle of domestic violence if a woman, even after years of trying, cannot accumulate the financial resources needed to escape that violence. She remains trapped in a cycle, in an endless spiral, where the man, to meet his own needs and expectations and to control his victim, exerts financial control over her. We must also consider women's economic empowerment and ways to ensure women can fully take control of their financial lives.
    Another point that came up during the testimonies before the Standing Committee on the Status of Women is that we cannot overlook older women. Coercive control also affects older adults. What is concerning is that some women endure violence perpetrated by a spouse, a caregiver, or even an adult child. Data also show that there has been a significant increase in cases of domestic violence against older adults in recent years. The system must be able to recognize these specific realities.
    I also want to talk about the importance of respecting Quebec's areas of jurisdiction, because social services, shelters and housing fall primarily under Quebec's jurisdiction. Let us not forget that. The federal government must financially support these networks without imposing its own conditions. Quebec organizations are familiar with the realities on the ground and already meeting victims' needs. It is therefore important to look at what is being transferred to help the organizations that work with victims. Staff are exhausted, and they need resources and means to care for these victims and care for survivors.
    Bill C‑16 is not perfect, so the Bloc Québécois had moved some amendments, particularly regarding section 810 of the Criminal Code, which is still far too subjective. At the Standing Committee on the Status of Women, I moved, in collaboration with my Conservative colleagues, that we conduct a study of section 810 of the Criminal Code. The Bloc Québécois wanted to take that aspect out of Bill C‑16, because it has been proven that section 810 conditions can give victims a false sense of security. We moved amendments, and there are some amendments that could have been made to Bill C‑16.
    However, our chief concern is that the Criminal Code be strengthened and that new offences be created. The Criminal Code is a federal law, however, whereas the application and administration of justice are the responsibility of Quebec and the provinces. I said that to the Minister of Women and Gender Equality yesterday, and I asked her to discuss it with her colleague, the Minister of Justice. If the government does not arrange for money to be transferred to Quebec for the administration of justice, in acknowledgement of the fact that a much bigger burden is going to be placed on Quebec's justice system, it is going to be passing laws that cannot be enforced. There will not be enough resources to take care of victims and survivors properly.
    In conclusion, the Bloc Québécois will support Bill C‑16. It is a real step forward for victims. However, we must guard against believing that the Criminal Code can fix everything and that it is some kind of magic wand. A woman needs effective justice, safe housing, a bed in a shelter, adequate income and quality psychosocial support.
    As I told the minister yesterday, the Bloc Québécois will be here to make sure nobody forgets the amendments our party put forward at the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights. The best way to protect women is not only to punish abusers, but also to give victims the practical means to get away and rebuild their lives with dignity.
    We owe them that because there must be no more victims.
(2210)
    Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank my colleague for her speech. She is a tireless champion in the fight against gender-based violence. We have had several opportunities to discuss this issue. Her speech conveyed her sincerity and how hard she works on this issue.
    We now have the opportunity to pass a bill that will enable us to make progress. I would like to know what steps my colleague envisions taking next.
    Mr. Speaker, as I said, the Bloc Québécois proposed amendments to try to avoid some of the inconsistencies we see in Bill C-16. As I said in reference to section 810 of the Criminal Code, we want the criteria to be more objective than subjective. That was one of the amendments that had been proposed by my colleague to address this situation. That is the kind of amendment we would have liked to include in the bill, but unfortunately, the Liberals voted against it. So, we will definitely have to bring it up again.
    The issue of section 810 of the Criminal Code will need to be addressed, because it is clear that this section is not doing its job of ensuring that victims are safe. The Bloc Québécois will continue to closely monitor the issue of section 810 of the Criminal Code.
    Mr. Speaker, I am deeply moved by the remarks made by my colleague from Shefford. We are talking about taking back control of our lives. Just a few hours ago, during the debate on Bill C-20, we were talking about building Canada.
    I asked the following question: How could a program be implemented to the point of jeopardizing or suspending the activities of organizations that help abused women, even as they were in the process of setting up shelters for them? When my colleague says that the government must absolutely work in a way that is consistent with Quebec, I would like to know if there are, in fact, concrete steps that can be taken.
     Mr. Speaker, the member is right: Representatives from those Quebec organizations did indeed come to testify about shelters. What we are seeing at this point in time is that wait lists keep getting longer. When I say that waving a magic wand will not fix things, Build Canada Homes is a prime example of that. We do not really know what it will amount to; it is still very unclear. We have a lot of questions.
    One thing we know for sure is that wait lists are getting longer. More and more women are turning to emergency resources. Without a space in a second-stage shelter, they are stuck at the emergency shelter stage, meaning that other women who need emergency resources cannot get them, so they stay home and cannot access emergency resources. Other women who are ready for that second stage cannot access it because there is no space.
    After second-stage housing, where do these women go and what do they do? Often, they have their families. We want to ensure that these people are housed safely and with dignity. Sometimes they need supportive housing to ensure follow up. In short, all the steps are being delayed. This is a key issue because it is often the reason why a woman feels she cannot get out. She feels that she is stuck in a cycle of violence because she does not know where to go with her children. It is a huge concern.
(2215)

[English]

    Mr. Speaker, Conservatives take public safety and the justice system very seriously, and there are quite the concerns with Bill C-16 regarding the removal of mandatory minimums, with the exception of murder and treason.
    I would like to ask my Bloc colleague, with the removal of mandatory minimums, how will that have a ripple effect on society?

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, there is a bit of disinformation because the bill we are studying this evening essentially reiterates the Bloc Québécois's proposal to restore mandatory minimums for serious crimes. It also echoes the Bloc Québécois's idea about the potential recruitment of young people at earlier stages and about deepfakes. This bill is making progress on a lot of fronts.
    I think we have reached the point where we need to put this to a vote. It is time to move forward. I know there is room for improvement. We will have to continue to monitor progress, as I said, because this will not be like waving a magic wand.
    However, I think that the disinformation needs to stop and that we need to work on making progress, recognizing victims and helping survivors find their way and rebuild their lives.
    Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my colleague from Shefford for her work with people experiencing homelessness, female victims of violence, seniors and vulnerable individuals in the region where both of our ridings are located.
    I would like my colleague to explain which solutions for fighting coercive control are most effective in her riding, including community-led initiatives.
    What is working well in her riding?
    Mr. Speaker, I would say that listening to victims is what works best. As the representatives of many police forces said, the first step in addressing coercive control is to include it in the Criminal Code so that police have the tools they need. Otherwise, it is too difficult for them to act or to be proactive and act sooner. That is what this does. Recognizing coercive control means recognizing that there are warning signs and that police need be able to intervene much sooner. In order to achieve that, we need to criminalize this behaviour and listen to victims.
    Mr. Speaker, in the last four months of 2026, Quebec has mourned 10 victims of femicide. This number rivals the annual average for the past decade. That is horrific. I hope that my colleague on the other side of the House is aware of that, because these are tragedies. This is really an unacceptable number of domestic tragedies.
    I find the increase extremely alarming, perhaps more so than my colleague across the way. Advocacy and civil society groups are reacting the same way, because at this rate, 2026 could exceed the record 16 femicides committed in 2021. We do not want that. Words matter here: “Femicide” is not a trivial matter; it is a serious societal issue.
    Bill C-16, an act to amend certain acts in relation to criminal and correctional matters with regard to child protection, gender-based violence, delays and other measures, has reached third reading. As my colleague mentioned earlier, this bill amends the Criminal Code to create a new offence that prohibits engaging in a pattern of coercive or controlling conduct toward an intimate partner. It also provides that murder known as femicide when committed against a female person is first degree murder in any of the following circumstances: the murder is committed against an intimate partner in the context of a pattern of controlling or coercive behaviour; the murder is committed in the context of domestic violence; the murder is committed in the context of human trafficking; or the murder is motivated by hatred. Now is the time to say enough is enough: no more femicide.
    The Bloc Québécois will continue to support the bill. Obviously, we do have some reservations. I still think that Bill C-16 represents a very significant step forward in protecting people from intimate partner violence and sexual offences. The Bloc Québécois strongly supports the changes regarding court delays, specifically the issue of mistrials. We support the new Criminal Code offence of recruiting a young person to commit a crime, the introduction of a safety valve for minimum sentences, and the strengthening of the Criminal Code provisions regarding harassment and sexual violence, which primarily affect women.
    As I said earlier, the committee study of Bill C‑16 took place despite the deliberate attempts by our Conservative colleagues to do what they think is their duty. Unfortunately, partisanship is leading to attempts to obstruct our work. By introducing a litany of amendments that are clearly beyond the scope of the bill, our colleagues in the official opposition engaged in a series of delay tactics. Some were posted on social media for purely partisan purposes, effectively turning the committee's work into an election platform. What else can we expect from them? Sometimes I wonder if they even care about being constructive.
    Despite it all, the work got done and that was in large part thanks to my colleagues from Rivière-du-Nord and Shefford. Protection for the loved ones of victims of coercive control has been expanded to even include pets. That is a good thing. It is good news. An aggravated sentence was also created for the non-consensual distribution of intimate images when the image was produced in the context of aggravated sexual assault.
(2220)
    Two decisions made at committee leave gaps that warrant attention because they make the bill less coherent and could jeopardize the safety of the very people that Bill C‑16 seeks to protect. Let me come back to the non-consensual distribution of intimate images when the image was produced in the context of aggravated sexual assault.
    During the 43rd Parliament, I served as the vice‑chair of the Standing Committee on Access to Information, Privacy and Ethics. We conducted a study on the online pornography giant Pornhub. I watched hundreds of hours of pornographic content depicting women being filmed against their will while engaging in sexual acts, whether consensual or not. These women did not even know they were being filmed, let alone that the footage would end up online.
    As a mother of two young adults, I cannot tolerate the fact that there are brutes, people with no sense of decency, who seriously film videos of these women, and men too, without their consent during sexual acts. Imagine how that can destroy a person's life, career, family and self-confidence at an age when people are still developing as human beings, when they are building their self-confidence. Let me be clear: Committing such an act against people aged 37, 45 or 75 is just as reprehensible and must be deemed both criminally and ethically unacceptable.
    Our society is changing, our mores are changing and our means of communication are changing. I am terrified that this could happen to any of us these days, and with complete impunity. We must act now, through other means that can address certain shortcomings.
    Let us take care of ourselves, and let us ensure that justice is done.
(2225)
    Mr. Speaker, I really appreciated my colleague's speech, particularly her comments on how things went at committee. I think she gave a very good description of the situation. It is an urgent problem, one that we are taking seriously.
    Given the seriousness with which this matter must be addressed, what does she think is most important in the short term?
    Mr. Speaker, I understand that there is some parliamentary gamesmanship going on. There are procedures that can be used to carry out or slow down our processes, but I implore my colleagues to realize that, on some issues, there is no room for partisanship. I am telling all members of the House that when it comes to issues like safety, crime or even medical assistance in dying, we must set partisanship aside and put people at the centre of our decisions.
    Mr. Speaker, I was really disappointed to hear, this evening, that Bill C‑9 passed thanks to a deal between the government and the Bloc Québécois. In my view, that is not fair. That is not really how we should be making laws.
    I want to know whether my colleague thinks that this is really how she wants laws to be created here, that is, with deals, agreements and bartering, instead of being transparent with Canadians.
    Mr. Speaker, I was just talking about partisanship.
    Partisanship has its limits. Not agreeing with a decision or voting nay is one thing. In my opinion, however, using social media as an election platform is unacceptable. I do not even want to know how much money was raised.
    Ultimately, what this shows is a lack of seriousness. We may think of ourselves as seasoned parliamentarians representing our constituents, but I am sorry, people are forgetting the essence of what it is to be human.
    Mr. Speaker, it is true that committee members worked as non-partisanly as possible. In the course of our other proceedings, members of various parties asked questions of the victims and the witnesses who appeared. Incidentally, as part of other studies, we asked people whether Bill C‑16 should be passed.
    Everyone we heard from asked us to vote in favour of Bill C‑16 and explained to us why it is such a huge step forward.
    I would like to point out another step forward. During the previous Parliament, the Bloc Québécois introduced a bill to address the impact of the Jordan decision on court delays. Bill C‑16 addresses this issue too.
    In this case as well, to avoid further delays in the court system, the government must seriously consider providing the provinces and Quebec with additional resources so they can administer this new legislative framework properly.
    What are my colleague's thoughts on that?
(2230)
    Mr. Speaker, again, this is about implementing and enforcing laws—
    Some hon. members: Oh, oh!
    I think I am bothering some people in the House, Mr. Speaker. I was talking about my colleague across the way. He is coming back and bothering us. It is 10:30 p.m. We are tired.
    Seriously, we are talking about respect and dignity for women, and that is what we are doing tonight. I think some of my colleagues need some interpretation, because they are not understanding what I am saying at all.
    In short, the provinces and Quebec should be getting all the resources they need to implement these measures to ensure the respect, dignity and safety of women.

[English]

    Mr. Speaker, it is a pleasure to be able to rise and address the House of Commons this evening.
     It is interesting, because I was actually looking forward to asking my friend, the member for Oxford, a question.
    Any time.
     Mr. Speaker, he says “any time”, which is not really true.
     We were having this healthy debate on Bill C-20. Remember, that is the debate the Conservatives were crying about because they wanted more time to speak to it. Do members remember that?
    The member for Oxford, as he was concluding and I was all ready to ask a question, moved a motion to adjourn debate. It was truly amazing. I do not think the House leadership really understood what was taking place. Let us think about this. For the first time in years, the Conservative Party actually voted just a few hours earlier to say it was okay for the House to sit until midnight. The Conservatives made that decision. They voted in favour of the House sitting until midnight.
     What did they do two hours or three hours later? The member for Oxford stood up—
    The hon. member for Leduc—Wetaskiwin is rising on a point of order.
    Mr. Speaker, it is an ironic debate. I do not think we have quorum, because there are not very many of his colleagues around.
    Mr. Speaker, there are more Liberals than there are Conservatives.
    Mr. Speaker, actually, there are not. This is the Liberals' bill.
    We do have quorum.
    The hon. parliamentary secretary may resume.
    Mr. Speaker, if my friend opposite does not like what he is hearing, he has a choice. He can leave the chamber.
     At the end of the day, it is important that Canadians see the games the Conservative Party members play day in and day out, whether they are filibustering or trying to prevent debate on important legislation that we, as a government, put forward in the House of Commons in the hope that the Conservatives will, at some point, wake up and actually do the right thing and deliver for Canadians, whether that is with Bill C-16 or Bill C-20.
    Let me get back to what I was trying to highlight about the Conservative Party. It supported sitting late. A couple of hours later, the member for Oxford said, “Let us adjourn debate.” What does that do? It stops the debate—
    The hon. member for Oxford is rising on a point of order.
    Mr. Speaker, I understand that the member has a tendency to go off on his own tangents. We are discussing very important legislation today, with a focus on protecting victims, yet he is not talking about the issue at hand.
     I understand that he will play games—
    Mr. Speaker, I rise on a point of order. Nothing could be more relevant to the debate than an action that happened during the debate.
     There is broad latitude in these types of debates. I know the member will get himself back on topic.
    The hon. parliamentary secretary.
    Mr. Speaker, it is really somewhat sad and pathetic that the members opposite have stood up on a point of order twice now. They do not want Canadians to see the silliness that we witness on the floor of the House of Commons coming from the Conservatives. Shame on them.
    At the end of the day, let us realize that all they did by moving that motion to adjourn was make a couple of statements to Canadians. One is that the Conservatives really do not want to sit late. That is what it really comes down to. They are taking us back to their lazy attitudes of the past. The other statement is that while they say they want to debate bills, instead of actually debating the bill, they used the bells to use up the debate time, thereby denying more Conservatives the chance to speak on the legislation—
    Some hon. members: Oh, oh!
(2235)
     The hon. parliamentary secretary.
     Mr. Speaker, again, it is truly amazing. The Conservatives need to calm down a little.
     They had the opportunity to have more debate on Bill C-20, but they intentionally chose not to because it was night-night time for them. I do not say that lightly. We had to have a vote. We voted on the Conservatives' motion to call it quits for the night because it was getting late, and 13% of their caucus did not even show up to vote. Even their leader decided not to vote on this.
     We have this great brain thrust coming from the Conservatives, saying they want to play this game. It is time to try to trick the Liberals and maybe get home a bit earlier tonight so they can get to bed a little earlier. What did that do? Even their leader did not show up to vote, let alone 13% of their caucus. What a game. This might be a game for the Conservative Party of Canada, but I would like to tell those who are following the debate that we take it very seriously—
    The hon. member for Regina—Wascana is rising on a point of order.
    Mr. Speaker, does the hon. member have anything at all relevant to say about Bill C-16, which we are debating?
    I have already addressed the issue of relevance. There is broad latitude on this matter.
     The hon. parliamentary secretary may resume.
    Mr. Speaker, even though the Conservatives might want to make a joke of this evening and not necessarily fully participate on the issue of crime, let me assure those who are actually following the debate at home that we have a Prime Minister and a Liberal caucus that just last year went through an election, and we made a commitment to Canadians that we would take the crime file seriously. In fact, that was part of our platform.
    We have brought forward a suite of legislative initiatives to actually address making our communities safer for all Canadians. The biggest roadblock for making that happen, for seeing the legislation pass, is the Conservative Party of Canada. Conservatives come up with excuses as to why they do not want to see legislation passed, and then they put in whatever mechanism they can, even if it is silly, in order to prevent legislation from passing.
     Let me give a good example of that. Here is a good example on Bill C-16. If we listened to the debate and the complaints coming from Conservative Party members, we would draw the conclusion that the primary reason why they do not support this legislation is that they had a bit of a flip-flop on the issue of having a safety valve for mandatory minimum sentences. Mandatory minimums are something the Prime Minister and this government are taking very seriously. That is the reason why we have reinstated a number of mandatory minimums. There are a number of them, and I will go through a few of those, but the Conservatives say they cannot support it because there is a safety valve.
    Let me give a quote. The member for Brantford—Brant South—Six Nations is actually the new Conservative justice critic. He replaced the member for Kamloops—Thompson—Nicola. Let me tell colleagues something about the member for Kamloops—Thompson—Nicola when he was the justice critic for the Conservative Party of Canada. Now, in fairness, the Conservatives have gone even further to the right since the replacement of this particular member, but here is what he had to say: “the Liberal government could make this constitutional by adding a safety valve; that is, by having a mandatory minimum with an exception to address the very issues that the Minister of Justice has addressed.” Seriously, we have the former Conservative justice critic actually recommending to the government that we need to invoke a safety valve, yet today, they have had a change in policy. Why? It is not because it makes sense, but because they want to use that as an excuse in order to filibuster the legislative agenda that this Prime Minister and this government have for making our communities safer. I say shame on the Conservative Party.
    At the end of the day, we had to bring in time allocation because the Conservative Party has absolutely no intentions whatsoever to allow Bill C-16 to pass. It is because it does not fit their political agenda. Their political agenda has more to do with self-interest and promotion.
     Take a look at the reality of what the Conservative Party members like to do. They like to talk tough on crime. They love to talk tough on crime. What did we talk about today during private members' hour? We listened to Conservative after Conservative be critical of the government on the issue of transferring from maximum-security to medium-security prisons. They try to give the impression that the Liberals are soft.
    If we look over the last 15 years, the record high in terms of transfers from maximum to minimum security was actually when the leader of the Conservative Party sat around the cabinet table. The Conservatives actually had the highest number of transfers from maximum- to medium-security prisons. Colleagues might not have thought that. What did the Conservatives do at the time? They did absolutely nothing. On that issue, they did exactly what they did in regard to restoring mandatory minimums: absolutely nothing.
    Some hon. members: Oh, oh!
(2240)
     Order. I am going to ask for the back-and-forth to stop. There will be a 10-minute question and comment period afterwards if we keep the back-and-forth down. It has taken us about 12 minutes to get through 10 minutes of the speech.
    I am going to ask the member to resume his comments.
     Mr. Speaker, the point is that the Conservatives like to talk tough on crime, but the reality is that their actions speak louder than words, because when it came to those mandatory minimums, we witnessed that the Conservative Party did absolutely nothing under the leadership of today's Conservative leader, even when he sat in the Conservative caucus in a majority government. The Conservatives had the opportunity. They chose not to do anything. The Prime Minister and this government are moving forward and reinstating mandatory minimums, but not with help from the Conservative Party. It is a roadblock, but let us go on.
     What is the motivating factor for the Conservative Party? Do not tell me it is about good public policy. It is far from that, because at the end of the day, the Conservatives are more concerned about using this issue for two things. Number one is to try to give a false impression that they are tough on crime. Number two, they are using it as a fundraising tool. They like to be able to say how bad things are in Canada. I could bring some wonderful quotes of how those members take these extreme radical thoughts and try to raise money on them.
     I have actually been a recipient of Conservative fundraising letters, where they try to make money off the issue of crime. I say to my Conservative friends across the way that it is time they stopped thinking about the leadership of the Conservative Party and the Conservative right wing dominating that party more and more every day. I think it is time they started putting the interests of the Canadian public ahead of the Conservative Party leadership and the far-right movement here in Canada.
     The amount of misinformation literature that constantly flows from the Conservative Party of Canada to Canadians is disgraceful. It really and truly is. It needs to stop. There is misinformation after misinformation, whether it is inside the chamber or outside the chamber.
    Let us take a look at what Bill C-16 would actually do. Around the world, I suspect we would get some recognition that we are, for the first time, talking about coercive actions by a spouse and elevating that to make it a new offence in Canadian law. That is what the Conservative Party is holding up because of its behaviour. Bill C-16 would deal with the issue of femicide. Show me another country in the world that actually has legislation that would elevate femicide to first-degree murder. The Conservatives talk tough, but in reality, once again, they just do not want to see the legislation pass, even though it is a substantial piece of legislation that would have a serious impact on our communities.
     Members talk about bringing back mandatory minimums. Let me give a sense of what those mandatory minimums are. First of all, the bill would bring back mandatory minimum sentences for sexual interference with a child and invitation to sexual touching. This is a very serious issue. At least on this side of the House, we have a Prime Minister and a government that recognize this is something that should have a mandatory minimum. That is why, within the legislation, we would be reinstating that as a mandatory minimum.
     Let me give another example.
    An hon. member: Oh, oh!
    Hon. Kevin Lamoureux: Mr. Speaker, I have a few examples, so the member should calm down and listen to them. The member will learn something here and hopefully change his attitude and vote in favour of the legislation.
    Second, the bill would reinstate mandatory jail time for sexual exploitation of a child, including abuse by people in a position of trust. This is the type of legislation that I would expect the Conservative Party would be excited to get behind and support.
    Let us take a look at another restoration. The bill would restore mandatory minimums for making, possessing, accessing or distributing child sexual abuse material. The bill goes on. There is a lot more within the legislation, but day after day, we see Conservative member after Conservative member looking at the holistic approach of the suite of crime legislation that we have brought forward, and this is not the first time that I have had to try to shame the Conservatives into doing the right thing and delivering for their constituents.
(2245)
    Let me give another example. The legislation brings back mandatory minimum jail time for online child luring and child sextortion, crimes that devastate children and families. These are the types of mandatory minimums that would actually be reinstated so that we could have safer communities. If the Conservatives want to talk about having safer communities, it is about time they put action to their words and got behind what the Prime Minister and the government are putting on the floor of the House of Commons. It is time for them to stop playing games and vote in favour of the legislation.
     Whether it is here on the floor of the House of Commons or in our standing committees, the Conservatives need to recognize that at the end of the day, as the Prime Minister and every member of the Liberal caucus has indicated very clearly, we want to build a stronger, healthier Canada, a Canada that is there for all Canadians. When we talk about building a healthier and stronger Canada, that includes the issue of community safety. That is the reason we have a suite of legislative actions.
    Let us remember Bill C‑2, the first action we took. We had a minority situation, and we could not get co-operation from any political entity in the House. They did not want that legislation to pass. I had the opportunity to talk about that legislation. I was discouraged. The legislation talked about issues like fentanyl, lawful access, protecting our borders, asylum seekers and stabilizing the issue of immigration. There was a great deal of substance within that legislation. However, the combined unholy alliance between the Bloc and the Conservatives made the decision that they would not allow Bill C‑2 to move forward.
     As a government in a minority situation, we had to break up the bill. We brought in Bill C‑12, where we could at least build somewhat of a consensus that would enable us to pass the legislation. However, it meant we had to leave a lot out. We made a commitment back then to attempt to bring it back at some point. On the asylum issue and the issue of safer borders, we brought that back in the form of Bill C‑12. We were able to get that passed, but it was not easy, much like Bill C-14.
     When we talk about Conservative delays on Bill C‑16, let us look at what took place on Bill C‑14. Bill C‑14 was all about bail reform legislation. We had law enforcement officers, the citizens we represent, provinces, territories, indigenous leaders and many other stakeholders all onside saying they wanted Bill C‑14 on bail reform.
     I remember standing in this very spot last year, back in November, making a very clear statement: Would it not be nice if we could actually pass this legislation and deliver it out of the House of Commons before Christmas? That was a very real opportunity. We could have done it. The only thing that prevented us from doing it was the Conservative Party of Canada. That is what prevented us from being able to pass through bail reform legislation. It was very unfortunate.
     If members consulted and listened to what law enforcement, other jurisdictions and stakeholders were saying, I think it would be virtually unanimous in terms of the poor performance of the Conservative Party of Canada in denying Canadians the opportunity to have legislation that would make our communities safer. They had the opportunity.
     Then we go to Bill C‑22, which, again, comes out of Bill C‑2. It deals with issues like extortion and, again, child-related criminal activities. Now we have the Conservative Party saying, “Absolutely, no way. We do not want it.” They want nothing to do with it. Even though, in talking to the law enforcement agencies, there is phenomenal support for Bill C‑22 out there in our communities, the Conservative Party will not, in any fashion, lend support for lawful access legislation.
(2250)
     On the one hand, they jump up like jumping beans at times, talking about the issue of extortion. They like to talk about it, but when we bring forward legislation to deal with it, what they do is filibuster again. That is fine. They want to focus on character assassination. That is their primary focus. The government and the Prime Minister are going to be focused on delivering sound public policy through legislation and budgetary measures. We will find, whether it is legislation or the budget, it is nothing but a reflection of what came out of the last election and what Canadians are telling Liberal members they want.
    Mr. Speaker, what a theatrical performance and what a great piece of gaslighting by the Liberals, but I do have some facts here.
    It is because of that actual member's voting on Bill C-75 that Daniel Senecal was out on bail in Welland for a horrific crime. Most of those members voted for that. That is the actual result of bad Liberal policy that they voted on with Bill C-75 and Bill C-5. Now he is going to stand here and gaslight us.
    Here is another thing that is an actual fact: All those members over there voted against Bill C-381, which would have restored mandatory minimums for extortion; Bill C-220, which would have prevented judges from using immigration status to reduce sentences; and Bill C-246. They voted against all that just a couple of months ago. It is a great piece of gaslighting—
     The hon. member for Winnipeg North has the floor.
    Why do you—
    An hon. member: You don't have the floor anymore.
    Ned Kuruc: You should be ashamed—
    Some hon. members: Oh, oh!
    Order. When the Chair is standing, no one else should be speaking.
    The hon. member may respond.
     Mr. Speaker, I think the member opposite is relatively new to the House of Commons, but he is not alone. There were over 70 Liberals who were also elected in the last election. Canadians made the decision, and I would suggest it was a good decision, when they compared the leadership of all the political entities and elected a new prime minister.
    The new Prime Minister and the new government have brought in substantial pieces of legislation. The Conservatives need to get off the thinking of previous governments and focus on the current government and the actions that are being taken to make our communities safer. They need to take responsibility not only for their voting record but also for their behaviour inside the House. It is the Conservative Party that is denying Canadians safer communities because of their attitudes, filibusters and games here on the floor of the House of Commons.
(2255)

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, I will try to restore some calm because I am ashamed right now. Unfortunately, I am reliving a scene I witnessed at the Standing Committee on the Status of Women, where, instead of listening to victims, my Liberal and Conservative colleagues were bickering back and forth. The victims left in tears, and I am reliving that moment. Members on both sides can laugh and argue about this, but Bill C-16 addresses an issue that is far too important to victims for me to be witnessing what I am seeing right now. I feel ashamed on behalf of victims and survivors.
    I would like to come back to something. During the study of Bill C-16, the Conservatives filibustered while the Bloc Québécois was trying to be constructive and propose amendments. For example, we consulted legal experts to try to fix a mistake in this bill. The Bloc Québécois wanted to include provisions regarding an objective test. Such provisions would have enabled the judge to take into account the full context, the abuser's history, coercive behaviour and threats against loved ones and pets. That is what the offence itself does. However, even though the amendments we proposed were logical, the Liberals voted them down.
    I would suggest that everyone calm right down because, seriously, the way we are handling Bill C‑16 right now is not at all in the public interest. Let us keep in mind that the purpose of Bill C‑16 is to find real solutions so there will be no more victims.

[English]

     Mr. Speaker, I can tell the member opposite from the Bloc that the motivating factor for the Government of Canada, and I would suggest all members of the Liberal caucus, is in fact the issue of victims and how we can deal with and support victims. That is within Bill C-16, and I can give some examples of that. There is also providing the communities we represent a sense of security. Those are the motivating factors.
    Specifically, to give a couple of examples, this legislation would provide victims with information proactively, without requiring formal requests, and would expand access to testimonial aids for victims of violent and intimate partner offences. There are a number of actions within Bill C-16 that we put in place because we can understand and we can appreciate the issues victims have to deal with, which often go on for years on end.
    Mr. Speaker, I listened with great interest to my colleague's speech. I worked as a family law lawyer, and I assisted women who were fleeing violence at home.
    However, one of the things that I noticed, which has been very challenging to deal with, is the amount of misinformation that constituents are reaching out to me on about Bill C-16 because of what our Conservative colleagues are putting out on their social media. In fact, just tonight, a constituent of mine emailed me asking about a video he had seen posted by the former Conservative member from Peterborough, and thank God she is the former member, which was basically saying all kinds of nonsense about Bill C-16.
    How does my colleague see this manipulation of information by our Conservative colleagues affecting how his constituents understand Bill C-16?
    Mr. Speaker, I made reference to the excessive abuse by the official opposition when it comes to the issue of misinformation, whether it is inside the House of Commons, here on the floor, or through social media and emails. It is literally non-stop. For example, on the mandatory minimums that we would reinstate under exceptional circumstances, the Conservatives are trying to mislead Canadians on what that would actually do.
    At the end of the day, Bill C-16 would reinstate mandatory minimums. It would protect, in particular, our children from all forms of exploitation. I see that as a positive thing, and it is really lame and sad to see the Conservative Party intentionally mislead Canadians on this issue.
    Mr. Speaker, it was interesting to hear the hon. member, in response to a question from our side, very clearly distance himself from the 10 years of government that he was a part of. Here are some facts on those 10 years. Since 2015, human trafficking has increased by 84%, sexual assaults increased by 76% and violent crime increased by 55%.
    I wonder if the hon. member might want to take this opportunity to express his regret for the role he played in passing laws that led to those horrific results.
(2300)
     Mr. Speaker, what often happens with the Conservatives is that they do a great deal of research to try to justify a behaviour, which does nothing but downgrade and be disrespectful in terms of Canada and the way Canada is moving.
    I can tell the member that he needs to get ahead and start looking at what has taken place over the last 13 to 14 months since Canadians made the wise decision, I would argue, to elect a new prime minister and a new government with a totally different agenda, and part of that agenda is making the communities we represent safer. I wish that members of the Conservative Party of Canada would, to use their words, get out of the way and allow the legislation, these initiatives, to become law so that our constituents would be safer.
    Mr. Speaker, in 2018, at the justice committee, we studied the issue of coercive and controlling behaviour. From that time to now, we have been trying to make sure that women are safe in our communities.
     I would ask the member why he thinks we are not able to come together as a Parliament, as Canadians, as leaders in our country, to provide support to women and to make sure that their safety is paramount within our legislature and within our communities.
     Mr. Speaker, I believe Bill C-16 is a wonderful piece of legislation that we could have very easily had a coming together to recognize, for example, coercive control as a new offence and to recognize femicide being elevated to first-degree murder in certain situations. These are very tangible things. Ultimately, I would liked to have seen members on all sides of the House recognize the value. We did not have to look for a false excuse in order to justify poor behaviour, which is what we have witnessed from the Conservative Party.
     Mr. Speaker, on a point of order, as my colleague for Winnipeg North was beginning his remarks, a member from the Conservative caucus yelled, “He's off his meds.” Members would never yell, “They're off their insulin.” To disparage Canadians who are dealing with mental health is unparliamentary, and it deserves an apology.
    I thank the hon. member for Guelph for raising the point of order. We will review the tapes and come back to the House if necessary.
     Resuming debate, the hon. member for Kitchener Centre.
    Mr. Speaker, I will be splitting my time with the member for Hamilton East—Stoney Creek.
     I rise today to speak to Bill C-16, the protecting victims act. The name of this bill sets a high standard. Protecting victims is the single most important part of any justice system. Canadians rightfully expect a system that supports those who have been harmed, protects the vulnerable and holds offenders accountable for their actions.
    Bill C-16 attempts to address a number of serious issues, including intimate partner violence, sexual exploitation, sexual violence, victims' rights and delays in our justice system. That expectation has not always been met in our justice system. Too often, victims feel like an afterthought. Too often, families are left waiting for justice. Too often, Canadians are left to wonder whether our justice system is putting the rights of offenders ahead of the safety of communities.
     Many Canadians saw that in a recent case in Kitchener, where a former neurologist was acquitted on 48 sexual assault charges. Dozens of victims gathered the courage to come forward and share their stories, and the justice system left them feeling unheard and brushed aside. We can agree in this place that it takes a tremendous amount of courage for a victim to come forward with their experience. When they do, it is important that we treat them with dignity, listen to their concerns and ensure that their voices are heard. That is why, when legislation like this comes forward, we must hold it to a high standard.
     There are parts of this bill that would be steps in the right direction. One of the biggest changes would be the creation of a new offence relating to coercive and controlling behaviours in intimate partner relationships. Many people think that the abuse begins when someone is physically assaulted, but it often starts long before that. It starts with manipulation, isolation and threats. It starts with controlling where a person goes, who they see, who they spend their time with, what they spend their money on or how they live their daily lives. These behaviours slowly chip away at one's independence and leave people feeling trapped in dangerous situations. By the time physical violence occurs, the warning signs may have been there for months, sometimes even years. Recognizing those warning signs in law is an important step. If interventions can come earlier, lives may be protected and future violence may be prevented.
     Another story from my riding is of a woman who was strangled by her husband in front of their daughter. Today, she and her daughter are living in a domestic violence shelter, trying to rebuild their lives and find safety, yet despite a guilty plea, the man responsible remains here in Canada illegally. When victims and their families are left in situations like this, they are left asking simple questions: Where is the accountability?
    That is why getting legislation like Bill C-16 is incredibly important. Victims need more than words. They need to know that the justice system will protect them, support them and hold offenders accountable for the harm that they have caused.
     This bill also includes measures aimed at combatting child exploitation. This, especially, is an area where Parliament should be united. Technology has created incredible opportunities but also real dangers. For all the parents in this place, we can agree that we are raising children in a world that looks very different from the one we grew up in. Predators can reach children so easily through social media, phones, computers and gaming platforms. These threats are real and our children need to be protected.
     This bill would also update the law surrounding intimate images and digitally altered sexual images. Whether an image is captured with a camera or generated with AI, the impact to victims is devastating. Reputations can be destroyed. Careers can be damaged. Mental health can suffer, and relationships can be affected. Victims deserve protection regardless of how that image was created.
    For many victims, navigating the justice system can be overwhelming while they are already dealing with the trauma that it has caused. They may not understand what is happening with their case or how decisions are being made. They may feel lost in a process that can seem focused on everyone except the victim. That needs to change. Victims deserve information and respect, and they deserve to know that they matter.
     The Conservatives have worked constructively on this bill. We supported measures that would better protect victims, address cohesive control, combat child exploitation and strengthen victims' rights. However, despite these positive measures, the bill also includes a major change to sentencing that deserves attention. The government says this change is about flexibility and discretion, but Canadians deserve to understand what it would actually do. This bill would allow a judge to bypass every mandatory minimum sentence in the Criminal Code, with a few exceptions. In other words, it would make mandatory sentences optional, and “mandatory” is not supposed to be optional.
(2305)
    Why does this matter? It matters because mandatory minimum sentences exist for the most serious crimes. They represent the basis that certain crimes are so serious that there must be a minimum consequence when someone is convicted. It cannot be a suggestion. If a crime carries a mandatory minimum sentence, Canadians expect that to mean consistency and accountability across the board. There is no room for victims to wonder if the punishment will fit the crime.
    If mandatory sentences become optional, confidence in our justice system would be weakened even further. That is why the issue deserves serious attention. Our justice system already contains flexibility. Police officers use discretion when determining whether or not charges should be laid. Crown prosecutors exercise discretion when determining how cases should proceed. Prosecutors make decisions every day about what charges to pursue and what position to take before the court.
    When Parliament created a mandatory minimum sentence, it did so because Canadians expect a certain level of accountability for a serious crime, and we did not do that by accident. Canadians may disagree on what that line should be, but they understand that there should be a line. What they do not understand is why Parliament would establish a line and then create a way around it.
    I hear a lot of frustration from people in Kitchener Centre, and, frankly, from people across the country, about what feels like a growing gap between what the justice system says and what it actually does. People hear that a crime carries a mandatory minimum sentence, but then they find out that the sentence might not actually be mandatory. They hear that victims are the priority, but then they watch victims spend years navigating a system that feels confusing and overwhelming. They hear that public safety comes first, but then they read stories about repeat offenders just cycling through the justice system again and again.
    Whether those perceptions are fair or not, they are real, and public confidence matters. Our justice system depends on trust. People need to believe that the rules are applied fairly, that serious crimes are treated seriously and that victims matter, full stop. That is especially important when we are talking about crimes that leave lasting scars on victims, families and entire communities.
    The effects of violence do not end when a court case concludes. Victims carry those experiences for years. Children carry them for a lifetime. Families carry them for a lifetime. Anyone who has sat across from a victim of violence knows that the impact reaches far beyond the courtroom. Accountability matters, not because accountability can undo the harm it caused. It cannot. Accountability matters because it tells victims that society recognizes the seriousness of what happened to them, and it tells them their suffering matters.
    Canadians are increasingly concerned about public safety. Repeat offenders cycle through the system, and victims struggle to get justice, so why would we yet again weaken the consequences for offenders, while victims try to rebuild their life? Let us think about that. While victims are left traumatized, Parliament would create another pathway for offenders to avoid consequence. That is not what Canadians think of when they hear the words “protecting victims act”.
    Canadians want accountability. They want consequences. They want confidence that when Parliament says a sentence is mandatory, it actually means that it is mandatory. We want a justice system that protects victims while holding offenders accountable.
    I would like my community to know that I am not voting against protecting victims of intimate partner violence. I am not voting against protecting victims of child exploitation. I am not voting against victims of sexual violence. I am not voting against protecting victims' rights within delays in the justice system. What I am voting against is making mandatory minimums optional: clause 63. When it is eventually spun that I voted against protecting victims, please remember that I voted to ensure that victims are actually protected by ensuring that mandatory minimums remain, not as an option.
(2310)
    Mr. Speaker, while there were very heartfelt emotions that came from the member, I do question why she is conflating mandatory minimums with what victims of domestic violence and intimate partner violence are facing.
    In 2018, when there was a study within the justice committee about coercive control behaviour as a Criminal Code charge, the chief of police for Peel Region was very much in favour of this and said we needed it. Even now, chiefs of police are standing up in support of the bill.
    I do not understand why the Conservatives are holding up a bill that would save lives. Every other day, a woman is murdered because of intimate partner violence. I do not understand the justification that the member has provided for voting against the bill.
    Mr. Speaker, the spin has already begun. I am not voting against protecting victims of intimate partner violence. I am absolutely not. What we cannot stand behind is making mandatory minimums optional so the judge can decide whether the perpetrator of the offence gets any time at all. That is just not what we can stand behind.
    I am saying here today that I would vote in favour of the victims of intimate partner violence. We worked hard with the government to ensure that we could get these corrections made so the mandatory minimums would be taken out, but the government refused to work with us on this. That is the truth.
(2315)

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, tonight, it is clear that there is a party line. I can tell what my colleague wants. There are consequences to voting against this bill because it falls short and is not broad enough.
    We can analyze the situation and decide that the bill can be reassessed.
    Has there been any progress?
    If the answer is yes, can victims be kept safe right now?
    If the answer is yes, then I beg them to please hold a free vote.

[English]

    Mr. Speaker, the bill is not moving in the right direction, because it has a piece, clause 63, which would remove mandatory minimums and make it optional to put them in place. This is not a step in the right direction. Every other piece of the bill, 99% of the legislation, is a step in the right direction, but that 1% is a step backward, and that is what we cannot support.
    Mr. Speaker, earlier tonight, the parliamentary secretary said that we Conservatives play games. That is so far from the truth. On his side of the House, he can play tic-tack-toe or Scrabble. That is his business. Conservatives are here for the victims of crime. We work long hours on behalf of Canadians for public safety and for the justice system. As I said earlier, the parliamentary secretary accused us of playing games.
    Why is it that the Liberal government would remove mandatory minimums and judges could use time served or just give a criminal who is found guilty a one-day sentence? The point I am getting at is, why is the Liberal government—
    The hon. member for Kitchener Centre.
    Mr. Speaker, I just want to talk about some of the consequences of not defining what sentencing should be. Because of Bill C-5, there is a drug smuggler, caught with 55 grams of cocaine while on bail, awaiting sentencing for previous gun offences. He received a sentence of only 12 months, half of what the judge said his crimes deserved, partially because of his immigration status.
    The Ontario judge cut the sentence in half for the offender, who was facing the significant likelihood of deportation because he was already serving a six-year prison sentence in Canada for trafficking fentanyl and for gun-related offences. The judge wrote in their decision, “Mr. Rush is not a Canadian citizen and he is likely to be deported as a result of these offences. This is a significant collateral consequence.” It is. The consequence should have been served, and he should have been removed.
    Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank my colleague for sharing her time.
    Before I get into Bill C-16, I would like to acknowledge that last weekend the great people of Hamilton East—Stoney Creek commemorated the 213th anniversary of the Battle of Stoney Creek, one of the most important victories in Canadian history. In June 1813, a determined force of British soldiers, local militia and loyal settlers faced a much larger American army and won in what served as the Stalingrad of the War of 1812. Their courage helped turn the tide in the defence of Upper Canada and demonstrated that the people of this land would not be intimidated by a larger neighbour.
    More than two centuries later, the Battle of Stoney Creek remains a powerful reminder of the Canadian spirit: resilient, independent and determined to stand up for our national interests. As Canadians continue to face economic uncertainty and challenges beyond our borders, the lessons of Stoney Creek remain as relevant as ever. Our strength has always come from our unity, our perseverance and our confidence in Canada. May we always honour those who defended this country and continue building a free, proud and sovereign Canada.
    I rise today also to speak about Bill C-16 and against a major flaw hidden inside it, specifically clause 63, the safety valve. First, it is a fact that after 11 years of Liberal government, Canadians are less safe. Violent crime is up 55%, and extortion is up 330% across Canada. Since 2015, human trafficking has increased by 84%. Sexual assaults are up almost 76%, and Canadians can see this. They see other Canadians feeling scared and threatened. They see crime becoming more common. They see repeat offenders arrested one day and back on the streets the next. In a country that used to feel safe, this is completely out of the ordinary. Canadians are desperate for change. They want to feel safe again.
    After all that, what is the Liberal answer? It is more of the same. The Prime Minister wants Canadians to believe he is tough on crime, but Bill C-16 proves otherwise. While Liberals are trying to sell the bill as a crackdown on criminals, buried inside is a loophole that would allow judges to bypass almost every mandatory minimum sentence left in the Criminal Code.
    Bill C-16 would amend the general sentencing principles that require courts to impose a sentence below a mandatory minimum, where applying the minimum would amount to a cruel and unusual punishment for the offender. This would apply to all mandatory minimum penalties currently in the Criminal Code, with the only exceptions being murder and high treason. What it actually means is that the mandatory minimums would no longer be mandatory. A custodial sentence would still be required, but the length of the imprisonment would be up to the judge's judgment.
    The Liberals spent the last 11 years slowly eroding the laws that are keeping Canadians safe from criminals by keeping them behind bars. Now they want judges to ignore many of the ones that remain. Hidden inside a bill called the “protecting victims act” is a proposed get-out-of-jail-free card that claims it would protect victims. That is not getting tough on crime. That is getting softer on criminals.
    The Liberals voted against the following Conservative bills that would have created stricter bail laws and tougher penalties for violent and repeat offenders. Bill C-381 would have restored mandatory minimums for extortion, but the Liberals voted against it. Bill C-220 would have prevented judges from using immigration status to reduce sentences, but the Liberals voted against it. Bill C-246 would have required criminals convicted of multiple sexual offences to serve consecutive sentences, but the Liberals voted against it.
    The Liberals also weakened bail laws through Bill C-75. Police chiefs, premiers, and Conservatives warned them, but the Liberals ignored everybody. What was the result? It was the principle of restraint: letting criminals out at the earliest reasonable opportunity on the least onerous conditions, a catch-and-release justice system where violent repeat offenders cycle through our courts and back into our communities.
    In 2022, the Liberals' Bill C-5 struck down 14 mandatory minimums, including on possession and discharging of weapons and firearms. As a direct result of these Liberal laws, there have been multiple examples of firearms smugglers, gun traffickers and violent criminals receiving no jail time for crimes that should have put them behind bars. In Hamilton East—Stoney Creek, police have repeatedly laid firearms charges against individuals who are already on probation, under release conditions or subject to firearms probation.
(2320)
     Canadians are asking why people who have already demonstrated that they will ignore court orders continue finding themselves back with the police on new charges. Canadians are losing confidence in a justice system that seems more focused on giving offenders another chance than giving victims peace of mind. When someone is arrested for a serious firearms offence while already under a court order, Canadians do not see that as a mistake. They see a system that is failing to protect them, which the Liberals have created. Every time a violent repeat offender is released only to commit another crime, another family, business owner or community pays the price. The consequences and the fear are real, and the frustration Canadians feel is completely justified.
    It is no surprise that under the Liberal government, crime is increasing at alarming rates. Now the Liberals are making the same mistake again. Canadians want to feel safe. Criminals are becoming more aggressive. They are targeting businesses and using intimidation and violence. The Liberal response is a bill that could allow offenders convicted of extortion with a prohibited firearm to receive a sentence below the current mandatory minimum. That makes no sense. If someone uses a gun to terrorize a business owner, Canadians expect serious consequences, not loopholes and leniency. They certainly do not expect the Liberal government to make it easier for criminals to avoid punishment. It does not make any sense.
    We have a mandatory duty as elected officials to make our communities and Canada at large safer. This is not optional. Conservatives believe the justice system should stand with victims, not criminals; that mandatory minimum sentences should actually be mandatory; and that organized criminals, repeat violent offenders and sexual offenders should stay behind bars where they belong, not be treated like they are entitled to endless second chances. That is why Conservatives are calling on the government to fix this bill.
    The Liberals are trying to allow judges to ignore mandatory sentences for the following: aggravated sexual assault with a gun, human trafficking, multiple violent firearms offences, extortion with a firearm, weapons trafficking and drive-by shootings with a restricted, prohibited firearm. Parliament set mandatory minimums for these heinous crimes for a reason. If the Liberals allow judges to ignore mandatory minimums, there will be nothing mandatory about them, full stop. Mandatory is not optional, and that is what Conservatives are fighting for.
     We are happy with the positive changes in the bill. Banning deepfakes of intimate partners and bringing in mandatory reporting for child sexual abuse material would help Canadians and would keep our kids safe. Despite these changes, Bill C‑16 still fails to reverse the dangerous soft-on-crime agenda that the Liberals have spent the last 11 years enacting. Conservatives were defeated or ruled out of scope on 30 amendments that would have tightened or restored mandatory minimums for violent and serious crimes and repeat violent offenders. Those amendments would have kept our streets safer by removing the safety valve from crimes including extortion, aggravated assault and child sexual offences, and they would have kept criminals who commit these heinous acts behind bars, where they belong.
    The safety valve would be a dangerous clause to include in this otherwise positive bill. This is another example of Liberal half measures. We have come this far with a good bill that would protect Canadians from serious crimes, but keeping the safety valve provision would completely contradict the principles of keeping victims safe. The Liberals should simply split this provision off so that Parliament can work to make this bill better to keep victims safe.
(2325)
    Mr. Speaker, the member spoke so passionately about such a serious and important issue, this piece of legislation, but I cannot help reflecting on the fact that earlier this evening, the Conservatives put forward a motion to adjourn the House so that this debate would have ended. He would not have had the opportunity to speak on the bill like he did now.
    As a matter of fact, whereas every Liberal voted on that adjournment motion, 18 Conservatives did not vote, including the Leader of the Opposition. They did not even vote on the motion they put forward. They would have had all the time to plan this. They could have been planning it since noon today, preparing for the moment. They could have told all their members, “At this specific time, we're going to pull this game. Please make sure to vote,” but they did not. It is more of an indication that this is nothing but a game to the Conservatives.
    Why are they doing this? Why did he vote in favour of that motion to adjourn?
     Mr. Speaker, I find it very concerning that I am up here speaking to a bill to keep Canadians safe, a bill I have said is very positive in a sense but that has a release valve in it that would allow judges to not enact mandatory minimums, and the member does not even want to talk about it. He just wants to deflect. Let us get serious here for a second. Canadians want a safer Canada, and the sooner the Liberals realize that and work with us and look at our amendments, the sooner we can keep Canadians safe.
    Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the opportunity to speak to this bill. Before I get started, I want to give a shout-out to Laurel Collins, the former MP for Victoria, who, as you might recall, was a champion in tackling gender-based violence and laid the groundwork for today.
    If Bill C-16 is about protecting women and children, we need to get it right. We need to listen to the experts, and many of them, including women's organizations, survivor groups and legal advocates, have repeatedly called for greater investments in prevention, housing, income security and violence protection programs, yet we have seen Liberals and Conservatives continually vote against amendments that we put forward, especially from the member for Winnipeg Centre.
    Maybe my colleague can speak about why the Conservatives voted against those amendments instead of focusing on stopping violence before it happens, because that is a critical component.
(2330)
    Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for the question, but I want to be clear. Conservatives want mandatory minimums for heinous crimes. For criminals who attack women and children, we do not want a “get out of jail free” card. We are tough on crime.
    That is what I believe in. It is why I was elected and why I wanted to become a politician. I wanted to make change. I also want to make sure that when criminals get to court, they get a mandatory minimum for sexually abusing children and for violence against women. We should not have a clause that would allow the judge to see otherwise. That is what Conservatives want, and if the Liberals could just work with us on this, this would be a good bill.

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, based on what I heard tonight in this debate, I am not sure if my Conservative colleague has consulted with his colleagues. There are two things I have taken away from the testimony we heard at the Standing Committee on the Status of Women's recent meetings on the issue of violence against women.
    First of all, the victims said that Bill C-16 was a necessary step. They said that we needed to take action and make the Criminal Code more effective. Earlier, I heard someone say that we were 99% in agreement. Once we get there, the remaining 1% can be addressed and worked out in a non-partisan manner. The other thing, of course, is that this bill does not solve everything. I acknowledge that, the Bloc Québécois acknowledges it too, and I told the minister so. We will come back with the amendments we proposed.
    Why not say that we will pass this bill and then work to propose additional measures? We could also address the broader ecosystem, in other words support groups, tackle the housing issue, and continue to work on the Criminal Code. We really need to look at this as a continuum of services.

[English]

    Mr. Speaker, the fact of the matter is that we can all come into the House, talk about it and feel good about ourselves, but unless we get strict on mandatory minimums, it is all for nothing. That is the real truth. If we leave a loophole in there where a judge can let criminals go, like the Supreme Court did in a child-sensitive material or child pornography case, all is lost. Mandatory minimums are needed, full stop. That is what the Conservatives believe in.
     Mr. Speaker, I will be sharing my time with my colleague from South Shore—St. Margarets.
    I am grateful to rise today on behalf of my constituents in the riding of Peterborough to speak to Bill C-16, the protecting victims act, and to contextualize the legislation within Canada's broader effort to confront and prevent gender-based violence.
     Gender-based violence is a persistent and measurable reality affecting women, girls and gender-diverse people across this country. In 2024, 187 women and gender-diverse people were killed violently in Canada. That represents one woman every two days. Women are far more likely than men to experience severe forms of intimate partner violence, sexual violence and criminal harassment. More than one-quarter of all victims of violent crime in 2024 were victimized by an intimate partner.
     These are not isolated incidents, and our justice system has struggled to effectively address these crimes, given the complex realities of gender-based violence and the patterns of behaviour that often define abuse. The rate of intimate partner violence, one of the most prevalent forms of gender-based violence experienced by women and girls, is more than three and a half times higher compared to men and boys. Indigenous women, women with disabilities and young women face even higher risks.
     The Government of Canada has recognized that addressing gender-based violence requires a comprehensive and coordinated response. In 2017, the federal government released a federal gender-based violence strategy and has since invested over $800 million a year to coordinate federal actions under three pillars: preventing gender-based violence, supporting survivors and their families and promoting a responsive justice system.
     Since 2022, the federal government has invested in a national action plan to end gender-based violence, a 10-year framework aiming to end gender-based violence in Canada by supporting victims and survivors of crime and their families and improving their experiences with the criminal justice system. Significant efforts have been undertaken in this area. For example, the federal victims strategy works to give victims a more effective voice in the criminal justice system and increase their access to justice. Through the victims fund, which is part of the federal victims strategy, resources are made available to the provinces and territories for the implementation of the Canadian Victims Bill of Rights, including for the development of public legal education and information material, and the provision of training on the legislation for criminal justice professionals.
     Considerable efforts have also been made to strengthen the criminal justice system's response to gender-based violence. Canada's Criminal Code provides a broad-based response to all forms of violence, exploitation and abuse against all persons in Canada. Over the past years, legislative amendments in former Bill C-51 and Bill C-75 clarified and strengthened sexual assault laws and the criminal justice system's response to intimate partner violence, and former Bill C-233 imposed stricter conditions for those charged with an offence involving intimate partner violence. In addition, former Bill S-205, which came into force last April, created a new peace bond designed specifically to provide better protections for victims of intimate partner violence and their children, including by allowing conditions such as electronic monitoring to be imposed on the defendant. All of these efforts reflect an understanding that prevention, protection, accountability and survivor support must work together.
     Today, Bill C-16 is a critical part of that continuum. It strengthens the criminal law in ways that respond directly to what survivors, advocates and frontline professionals have long told us about how gender-based violence actually occurs. Bill C-16 creates a new offence criminalizing a pattern of coercive or controlling conduct in intimate partner relationships. This addresses the reality that abuse takes place over time. It aligns the law with the lived reality of survivors and allows for earlier intervention, before coercive or controlling conduct turns into serious physical harm or death. It also supports more accurate police and prosecutorial responses by requiring a contextualized assessment of power and exploitation.
     Bill C-16 also addresses the most extreme manifestation of gender-based violence: the killing of women because they are women. By explicitly naming and recognizing femicide in the Criminal Code, the bill acknowledges that women and girls are disproportionately killed in specific contexts, including intimate partner violence, sexual violence, exploitation and hate-motivated attacks. Naming femicide matters. It makes visible a reality that has too often been obscured and affirms that these killings are not random tragedies but systemic failures that demand accountability.
     The bill would ensure that murders occurring in these circumstances are treated as first-degree murder. It would also require judges, when sentencing for manslaughter in the same context, to consider penalties equivalent to second-degree murder, including life imprisonment and parole ineligibility for 10 to 25 years.
     Importantly, Bill C-16 also recognizes that gender-based violence increasingly occurs through technology. The rise of sexually explicit deepfakes, sextortion and online harassment has created new avenues for abuse, particularly targeting women and girls. These forms of violence can destroy reputations, livelihoods and mental health, and they often silence victims through shame and fear.
(2335)
    The bill would address these gaps by clarifying that non-consensual distribution of intimate images includes realistic deepfakes, as well as criminalizing threats to distribute such material and increasing penalties for those offences. These measures would complement existing Government of Canada initiatives aimed at addressing online harms and protecting digital safety, particularly for young people.
    The bill would also modernize the offence of criminal harassment. Data shows that stalking and harassment are common before acts of serious violence, yet the current requirement to prove a victim's subjective fear has made early intervention difficult.
     Further, Bill C-16 proposes reforms to the Canadian Victims Bill of Rights to better protect victims and expand access to testimonial aids for adult victims of intimate partner violence, sexual offences and criminal harassment, offences that disproportionately affect women and girls. These measures would improve justice system outcomes for victims by recognizing that court systems can be retraumatizing and that supporting meaningful participation is essential to justice. The bill would also build on recent reforms to peace bonds and firearms control, reflecting clear evidence that access to firearms significantly increases the risk of lethal intimate partner violence. By strengthening preventive tools and closing enforcement gaps, Bill C-16 would support the Government of Canada's broader commitment to keeping victims and communities safe.
    Bill C-16 is a necessary step in Canada's ongoing commitment to confront gender-based violence with seriousness, clarity and resolve. It reflects the hard truth that violence is rarely a single act but often a pattern, that technology has created new tools for abuse, and that too many women and girls continue to lose their lives in preventable circumstances. By criminalizing coercive control, recognizing femicide, strengthening protections against online and intimate partner violence, and reducing barriers for victims and survivors of crime within the criminal justice system, the bill would align our laws with lived reality and evidence.
     For these reasons, I urge all members to support Bill C-16. Addressing gender-based violence is not optional, protecting victims is non-negotiable and justice must be delivered before more lives are lost.
(2340)
    Mr. Speaker, I appreciated this speech and all the things the member said about violence against women. Woman to woman, I have to understand here a couple of things about the word “mandatory”. The Liberals are trying to allow judges to ignore mandatory sentences for aggravated sexual assault with a gun, where victims are primarily women; human trafficking, where victims are primarily women; and multiple firearms offences.
    As an educator, I have to look up the word “mandatory”, which says very clearly that it is required or commanded by a law, rule or authority. If judges are allowed to ignore so-called mandatory sentences, and this bill claims it is strengthening mandatory minimum sentences, can the member maybe describe for me what she thinks the word “mandatory” means?
    Mr. Speaker, I think it is really important when we are talking about these bills to be very careful with the words we are using and what we are spreading online. This bill would reinstate 15 mandatory minimum sentences. It is really important too that the judges who are appointed to proceed over these crimes have the discretion. They are chosen for a reason; they are chosen because they are smart and they care. I think it is really important for the opposition to understand that the misinformation that you are spreading is not helpful to victims anywhere across Canada.
    I would just remind the member to address her comments through the Chair.
    Questions and comments, the hon. Secretary of State for Seniors.
    Mr. Speaker, we know that 76% of appellate-level challenges to Harper-era mandatory minimum sentences were successful. We also know that the Conservatives are saying that they will not support this bill without the addition of mandatory minimum sentences, but more than 217 challenges to the constitutionality of these since 2021 have been made. When the courts frequently strike down mandatory minimum sentences, why do members think the Conservatives want the government to include clauses that would weaken the legislation, increase the likelihood of it being struck down, and take up precious court time and costs on unconstitutional clauses? What do you think their real reason is for—
    I would just remind the Secretary of State of Seniors to address her questions through the Chair.
    The hon. member for Peterborough.
     Mr. Speaker, my colleague did a beautiful job of painting the picture of what is really going on here. I would like to take a moment to speak as a survivor of domestic violence and how critically important this legislation is.
     It is hard to truly put into words how challenging it is to navigate a justice system after having been a victim of crime. This bill would address that. It would address coercive control, which is incredibly important. It is very hard to understand what it is like for victims of intimate partner violence and what they go through for years on end. This bill would address that.
     I would like for the Conservatives to understand, get out of the way, as they like to say, support this bill for victims and show survivors that we are listening.

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, tonight we are debating Bill C‑16, tabled late last year. What still impresses me, however, is the timeline.
    For months, if not years, the Standing Committee on the Status of Women has been calling for progress on a number of issues: court delays, the criminalization of coercive control and, as the Bloc Québécois and other stakeholders have also urged, the issue of intimate AI-generated images and deepfakes. People have been calling for all that for weeks, months and years.
    It took a press conference by the Standing Committee on the Status of Women where we displayed non-partisanship, where members from all political parties sitting on that committee called on the government to criminalize coercive control and take action on violence against women.
    It is an important first step, but why did it take so long?

[English]

    Mr. Speaker, I think we can both agree that this bill addresses the issues that have been brought forward and does so in a really thoughtful way, in consultation with survivors and groups that work with survivors and victims. Although I agree with the member that this is long overdue, we are here now. We have an opportunity, but the Conservatives are standing in the way of making sure this bill passes. We can prevent deaths and crime.
(2345)
     Mr. Speaker, I rise today to show strong support for Bill C-16, the protecting victims act. This legislation represents one of the most significant updates to Canada's criminal justice system in generations. It reflects a clear understanding that our laws must evolve to meet the realities that Canadians are facing today, realities that include rising intimate partner violence cases, online exploitation, coercive control and gender-based violence and growing concerns about public confidence in the justice system.
    At its heart, Bill C-16 is about protection. It is about protecting women, children and survivors and ensuring that victims are treated with dignity, compassion and fairness throughout the justice process.
     Across Canada and certainly in my province of Nova Scotia, we are witnessing a growing crisis of gender-based and intimate partner violence. Women continue to be harmed, controlled, terrorized and, too often, killed by intimate partners. In 2024, 187 women were violently killed in Canada. That is nearly one woman every two days. These are not isolated incidents.
     These tragedies occur in large cities, urban neighbourhoods and rural communities, like my riding of South Shore—St. Margarets. We know these realities all too well. While our communities are strong, compassionate and deeply connected, rural communities like mine also face unique barriers when it comes to escaping violence and accessing support. Survivors may live far away from shelters or counselling services. Transportation can be limited. Accessing legal support might require hours of travel. In smaller communities, anonymity can be difficult, and many victims fear not being believed or fear retaliation if they come forward.
     I have had conversations with frontline organizations in my riding, advocates, survivors and service providers throughout South Shore—St. Margarets. We have made one thing abundantly clear: Our systems must do more to protect victims before violence escalates. This is exactly what Bill C-16 seeks to do.
     One of the most important aspects of this legislation is the recognition of coercive and controlling behaviour. For years, survivors and advocates have been telling us that abuse is not always physical. It can be emotional. Abuse can be psychological. Abuse can be financial and it can be technical. It can involve intimidation, surveillance, isolation, threats, humiliation, manipulation and fear. We know that coercive control is one of the strongest predictors of lethal violence.
     Bill C-16 would create a new Criminal Code offence prohibiting patterns of coercive and controlling conduct towards intimate partners. This would allow intervention before violence becomes deadly. “Before” is the key piece that matters, because too often the justice system will react after someone has already been seriously harmed.
    Organizations throughout South Shore—St. Margarets understand these realities intimately. Be the Peace Institute in my riding has done extraordinarily exceptional work in helping young people and communities build healthier relationships and prevent cycles of violence before they begin. Second Story Women's Centre, where I was a director before becoming a parliamentarian, continues to provide advocacy, education and support for women navigating violence, inequalities and trauma. The Thriving Twogether Society has become an important community voice in Shelburne, Yarmouth, Digby and Queen's County, focused on well-being, trauma-informed care and strengthening supports for survivors and their families. Harbour House, a women's shelter in my riding, continues to provide essential shelter and outreach services for women and children fleeing violence in our communities.
(2350)
    These organizations have long understood what this legislation now recognizes in law: Violence is only physical, and intervention must happen earlier.
    Bill C-16 would also modernize Canada's laws to address the very real challenges posed by technology-enabled abuse. Remember, I said “technical” earlier. Predators are increasingly using online platforms to exploit women and children. We talk about deepfakes. Before becoming a parliamentarian, I was a teacher, educator and principal, and members can think about some of the cases I had to deal with and talk to parents and survivors about. Deepfake technology is being weaponized to create non-consensual sexual images. For a young girl in the classroom or a young child, members can imagine the trauma for them, their families and these small-knit communities.
     Children are being targeted through sextortion, online luring and exploitation. Police reported that child sexual exploitation offences are now dramatically higher than they were just over a decade ago. Parents across Canada are deeply concerned, and rightly so. In response, Bill C-16 would strengthen protections against child exploitation, expand offences related to online luring and sextortion, criminalize sexual deepfakes and reinforce some of these mandatory penalties for serious child sexual offences. Our laws must keep pace with technological predators.
    Another critical pillar within this legislation is strengthening victims' rights. Too many victims continue to be retraumatized by the justice system. They feel uninformed, ignored, excluded or treated as though they are simply witnesses to their own trauma rather than people deserving dignity and respect. Bill C-16 would strengthen the Canadian Victims Bill of Rights by affirming that victims' rights would be treated with respect, courtesy, compassion and fairness. It would that ensure that victims receive information proactively, it would strengthen access to testimonial aids and it would recognize victims' interests in a timely resolution of proceedings. These changes matter, because justice delayed is often justice denied, especially for survivors of sexual violence and intimate partner violence.
    Many Canadians have watched serious criminal cases collapse due to court delays. How can people get help and move on when these delays in court make them relive their trauma or when perpetrators change lawyers time and time again, restarting proceedings and restarting that trauma? Victims are forced to relive trauma for years sometimes, only to see these proceedings stayed before accountability is ever reached. That undermines confidence in our justice system. Bill C-16 would take practical steps to address these delays while fully respecting charter rights and judicial independence. The proposed legislation would require courts to consider alternatives before imposing stays of proceedings. It would streamline procedures in sexual offence trials. It would also improve efficiency in many of our complex cases. It would help ensure that serious offences are heard on their merits rather than collapsing because of these procedural delays. This is about balancing fairness with accountability, which is something our government stands for.
     I am wondering why, at report stage, Conservatives are voting down these amendments and this bill. The justice committee heard from dozens of witnesses and reviewed more than 100 amendments. We heard from survivors, advocates—
(2355)
    Questions and comments, the hon. member for Cowichan—Malahat—Langford.
    Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the compassionate words from the member opposite, and I acknowledge that much of the bill is going in the right direction and, indeed, is good. However, in one part, the bill promises to restore mandatory minimums, but then later it hands judges a clause to sentence below mandatory minimums.
    My question is simple: When a victim's offender walks out below the mandatory minimum sentence under the bill, who will the member opposite tell the victim to blame: the court or the bill that was written to let this happen?
    Mr. Speaker, I would like to recognize that it is same piece of paper that the member has stood up and read from tonight, asking the exact same question about one little piece of an amendment on a huge proactive bill.
    I would like to tell him about all the people and organizations that we have heard from. I was a member of FEWO with the member across the way when we heard from the hundreds of victims and hundreds of different witnesses. On child protection, the Canadian Centre for Child Protection and other organizations are in favour of this bill. On victims' rights, we have the Domestic Violence Prevention Society, Humane Canada and Niki Sharma, the attorney general for B.C. I could go on. There are the Federation of Canadian Municipalities and the Canadian Police Association. I can go on all night.
    Mr. Speaker, I have a tremendous amount of respect for my colleague. The main concern that we have been having as New Democrats is that we see the Liberals right now, and they are cutting critical programs that are essential for prevention. They are also letting programs expire. Maybe my colleague can explain how the government expects to reduce violence against women and victims of intimate partner violence when they are cutting the very programs that are critical for prevention. We have heard from the experts time and time again that not only do they need to be maintained, but the investment needs to be increased significantly. It is essential to this conversation.
    Mr. Speaker, I also have a lot of admiration and respect for that colleague across the way, but in this case, I have to challenge. We talked earlier today about mis- and disinformation, and I feel that this is a case of misinformation. We know that some of the projects and funding streams that we have will sunset. That does not mean that they go away. That means that they get reinvigorated as we pass bills in the House within our economic budget. I would like to say, regarding the member's question, that it is part of our economic strategy each time we re-fund these programs.
    Mr. Speaker, what a heartfelt speech from my colleague. I am so glad I was here to hear it.
     I have mentioned in the House before that I worked as a family law lawyer. I worked in the violence against women sector, and I worked with women who were fleeing violence at home. Oftentimes, more than once, I would have a woman in my office who would just stop and say, “Gosh, I really do not know how I got here. This is not how I pictured my life.” When she would look back, she would see that the beginning steps were almost imperceptibly small, and it usually started with what we now call coercive control, whether it was financial, emotional or social.
     I wonder if my colleague would like to comment on how Bill C-16 seeks to address criminalizing coercive control and making women feel more confident in coming forward.
    Mr. Speaker, I thank my hon. colleague for her work as a family lawyer, because sometimes they are the unsung heroes in helping women who are fleeing violence manoeuvre through systems that sometimes have failed them. We talk about the coercive control piece, and the bill would help women. It would protect them and help protect children when they are navigating some of these systems. It would help with some of these delays. It is nice that we are seeing so many of our different crime bills coming here from the government. That has not been done in 20 years, 30 years or 40 years, so it is good that we are making progress on that measure.
(2400)

[Translation]

    Mr. Speaker, it is true that people often view a legal ruling as a magic wand that will fix everything.
    What we keep hearing in committee is how important it is to focus on prevention. I mentioned this just yesterday to the Minister of Women and Gender Equality. I also told her about an important study on the rise of masculinism and anti-feminism, and that the Standing Committee on the Status of Women will hold a press conference and eventually release its report. I asked her if she would be interested in seeing the recommendations included in that report.
    Could my colleague comment on the importance of working proactively on prevention?

[English]

    Mr. Speaker, I served with my colleague across on the status of women committee briefly while I was subbing in for another member and looking at this report. She mentioned prevention. It is the focus of organizations in my riding, like Be the Peace, the Second Story Women's Centre, Harbour House and Thriving Twogether. They offer preventive measures so that if or when some of these court cases come forward, they have the support systems they deserve.
    Mr. Speaker, it is great to be here this evening with colleagues debating this important issue. That is what we do in the House. We debate, we discuss important issues for Canadians and we have some great discussions.
    One thing, though, that is really not debatable, if we believe at all in evidence, is that the Liberals have had a failed justice policy, and the last decade has been one where Canadians have demonstrably suffered when it comes to justice.
    As a former member of the justice committee, I will never forget when a witness, who was a victim of crime herself, appeared and said that in Canada now we have a legal system, but we do not have a justice system. I was very impacted by those words and determined, like many of my colleagues on this side, to listen to those voices and make a better, truly just system that Canadians could be proud of and that would make them feel safe.
    I know if I asked my constituents, and I do, and if many here asked their constituents if they felt safer than they did 10 years ago, they would say that things have changed. Do they feel safe to send their kids to the mall or to walk to school? Do they feel safe when they leave their home? Do they feel safe to leave their vehicle? In the community I live in, my whole life, we did not lock our car doors. Many people did not lock their houses; they just left them unlocked. That was the kind of neighbourhood and community it was. That has now changed, and it has changed because of a failed Liberal justice system.
    I heard some of the commentary this evening about mandatory minimum penalties, etc. However, where there is no debate and no doubt is that the Liberals do not know what they are doing when it comes to Canada's justice system. Some of the statistics are absolutely staggering. Since 2015, which is when the Liberals formed government, human trafficking in Canada has increased 84%, sexual assaults are up 76% and violent crime is up 55%. In just the first nine years after forming government, total homicides are up 28% and violent firearms offences are up 117%. This is nine consecutive years of increases. Extortion is up almost 400%, auto theft is up 50% and sexual violations against children are up over 100%. Forcible confinement or kidnapping, indecent harassing and communications and trafficking in persons are up almost 100%.
    When we speak of these things, they are not just statistics. Each one of those represents a victim, a victim's family and a community that feels less safe than it did before. The cumulative effect of terrible pieces of legislation is the statistics and the heartbreak that has flowed from them over this last decade.
    What are some of these terrible pieces of legislation? Did this happen by accident? Was it things, as the Liberal government members like to say, outside of their control? No, these were things that were very much within the control of the government, and it took active steps that made the situation demonstrably worse.
    What am I talking about? There is Bill C‑75, which fundamentally changed our bail system and introduced a so-called principle of restraint that meant judges were forced to use the least onerous provisions possible when it came to decisions around bail. It led to absolutely outrageous and ludicrous situations like the one we heard about at the justice committee. The Toronto Police Service testified that individuals who had already received bail for a previous gun crime were being let out on bail again for gun crimes. They had committed a firearms offence, received bail, were then arrested again for a serious firearms offence, received bail again and had then been arrested a third time. They were out on bail both previous times. That was not an uncommon situation. Bill C‑75 changed the rules around bail, police forces and victims groups throughout our country. Provincial attorneys general have all commented and beseeched us to address the soft-on-crime bail that the government has introduced.
(2405)
     The other bill that comes to mind is Bill C-5. We have heard some discussion this evening about mandatory jail times. Conservatives believe that for serious offences, there should be mandatory jail time. Some of these Liberal members who are speaking positively about tougher sentencing were, just a few years ago, defending Bill C-5, which eliminated mandatory jail time for importing, exporting and producing serious drugs, schedule I drugs. It eliminated mandatory jail time for offences like arson, drive-by shootings and serious firearms offences.
    It not only eliminated the mandatory penalties but allowed for house arrest. Someone could burn down a person's house but serve their sentence from the comfort of their own home, playing video games, etc., as one can imagine. Individuals could commit serious violent offences, and people would be forced to see the perpetrators still in the community, even after having been sentenced, because they were sentenced to house arrest for the type of offence where someone should not get house arrest.
    That brings us here to this particular piece of legislation, Bill C-16. Bill C-16 has another “get out of jail free” card. The Liberals cannot help themselves. There are many mandatory minimum penalties, mandatory sentences for crimes that Parliament deems to be serious. Even though there are many of them in the Criminal Code that have been upheld constitutionally, many of them that are sound, that are in our code and that are effective, the bill would create a release valve whereby a judge can decide not to apply the mandatory penalty, even for offences where the mandatory penalty has been upheld.
    Some of the offences for which Bill C-16 would allow judges to ignore the mandatory prison time that this Parliament and previous Parliaments have seen fit to introduce include aggravated sexual assault with a gun, human trafficking, multiple violent firearms offences, extortion with a firearm, weapons trafficking and drive-by shootings with restricted or prohibited firearms.
    Canadians have had enough. They have had enough of violent crime and extortion. They have had enough with the assaults, sexual assaults and property crime. This bill would undermine our justice system by allowing judges to ignore the mandatory penalties that Parliament saw fit to put in place. Parliament put those penalties in place to protect the Canadians who are so deserving of that protection. It speaks to that witness who appeared at our justice committee and said we need to have not just a legal system but a justice system. That witness implored us to take steps to ensure that we have a justice system. Well, I can assure my colleagues that allowing for the elimination of all mandatory minimum penalties, as this legislation would, is not what this individual had in mind.
     I want to recognize a couple of my colleagues, our justice shadow minister, the member for Brantford—Brant South—Six Nations; our public safety shadow minister, the member for Kamloops—Thompson—Nicola; and indeed our entire team on this side. For the last decade, in areas around auto theft, drugs, extortion, violent crime and crimes against children, every area where we could protect individuals in our communities, Conservative members of Parliament have been standing up and putting forward private members' bills.
(2410)
    One that I put forward would restore the mandatory penalties for trafficking in fentanyl and cocaine and for those who are running meth labs. These are the mandatory penalties the Liberal government, in its wisdom, decided to remove. If we were to ask whether the drug crime and drug abuse situation in Canada is better today, under the Liberal policies, than it was 10 years ago, there is not a person in this room, in this chamber, who would say things have gotten better. Unless they are willing to deny the evidence that comes to us from Stats Canada, there is not a person in this chamber who would say that the situation when it comes to violent crime, property crime, crimes against women and crimes against children is getting better.
    When we look at solutions, we need to look at solutions that are going to be effective, not half measures. What this piece of legislation would do, and this is a provision I certainly cannot support, is allow judges to ignore mandatory minimum penalties that have been constitutionally upheld, that exist in the Criminal Code and that were put in there for a reason, because they recognize the seriousness of the offences that are covered.
    I often hear in this place that the number one thing, the most important thing we can do, is to protect our fellow Canadians. I take that challenge very seriously. For a number of people I know in this chamber, colleagues I have talked to, improving our criminal justice system is one of the principal drivers of why they got involved in politics and why they were eventually elected as members of Parliament.
    We need to ensure that we are doing our very best. Some mandatory minimums have been struck down, but to allow judges to ignore those that have been upheld in the past would be a major fault. We must stand up for the victims of crime.

Adjournment Proceedings

[Adjournment Proceedings]

    A motion to adjourn the House under Standing Order 38 deemed to have been moved.

[English]

Marine Transportation

     Mr. Speaker, here I am again, tonight, at the hour of 12:14 a.m.
    Fair ferry funding is a critical issue to Vancouver Islanders and to coastal British Columbians. It is such a serious issue that it cannot go unanswered. I am sure that the Liberals were hoping I would not show up tonight, but here I am. I am here because ferry affordability, economic competitiveness and transportation equity matter to the nearly one million people who call Vancouver Island home and to the coastal communities that depend on BC Ferries every day.
    For many of my constituents, BC Ferries is not just a convenience; it is a necessity. It is a critical transportation link connecting people to work, health care, education, family and economic opportunity. The Liberal government recognizes ferries as essential transportation infrastructure in Atlantic Canada, but it continues to treat British Columbia differently.
    Last July, the Prime Minister announced a 50% reduction in fares on federally supported ferry routes in Atlantic Canada. That decision recognized an important reality. Ferry affordability matters because ferry transportation is essential infrastructure when we have the longest coastline in the world. I agree with that funding.
    The question is why the same principle does not apply to British Columbia. The people of B.C. pay the same federal taxes as Canadians living in Atlantic Canada, yet when it comes to ferry funding, we receive dramatically different levels of support.
    BC Ferries is one of the largest ferry systems in the world. It operates 25 routes, serves approximately 1,600 kilometres of coastline, maintains 47 terminals, operates a fleet of 37 vessels and carries more than 22 million passengers a year. According to the Library of Parliament, federal operational funding accounts for approximately 3% of BC Ferries' operating revenues. By comparison, federal funding covers approximately 43% of operating costs for federally supported ferry services in Atlantic Canada.
    This disparity is also evident on a per capita basis. British Columbians receive approximately five to six dollars per person in federal operational ferry support, while Atlantic Canadians receive approximately $125 per person. These numbers reveal a significant imbalance in how the federal government supports essential transportation infrastructure across the country.
    Let me be clear. This is not an argument against supporting Atlantic Canada. I support those investments. This is an argument for fairness. B.C. is currently in the midst of a ferry fare review. It is around their services. BC Ferries has warned that without additional funding, customers could face fare increases of more than 30% over the coming years. Reductions in services could also happen, or both. At a time when Canadians are struggling with the cost of living, that prospect should concern every member in the House, especially coastal MPs from B.C.
    The current funding framework is rooted in historical arrangements developed decades ago, when Vancouver Island had roughly half its current population. Today, Vancouver Island is approaching a million residents and is comparable to the size of New Zealand's South Island. It is home to a major regional economy that depends on reliable and affordable ferry transportation.
    If the current model no longer reflects the realities of modern Canada, then it is time for a review and a modification to fix this agreement. Vancouver Islanders and coastal people in B.C. should not have to become a province to qualify for fair federal support for essential transportation infrastructure from the federal government. If ferry affordability matters in Atlantic Canada, it should matter in British Columbia.
    I am calling for a real response tonight from the federal government. We need to see action for coastal British Columbians.
(2415)
     Mr. Speaker, I want to speak today about the importance of ferry services in Canada and reaffirm our government's commitment to ensuring that these services remain reliable, affordable and sustainable for generations.
    Ferries are lifelines for communities, and they are a responsibility that the government takes seriously. From visiting friends and family to getting goods to market, Canadians and businesses across Canada rely on safe and efficient ferry services to keep communities connected and to help build an economy that works for everyone.
    On the Pacific coast, BC Ferries is one of the largest ferry operators in the world, carrying more than 22 million passengers and nine million vehicles each year. It is an essential public service that is critical to the daily lives of British Columbians. It operates as an independently managed, publicly owned Canadian company, with the single voting share held by the provincial government's, B.C. Ferry Authority.
    For the residents of Vancouver Island, the Gulf Islands, the Sunshine Coast and countless smaller coastal communities, ferries are not a convenience; they are the only connection to health care, education and opportunity. The Government of Canada has long recognized this reality. Since 1977, Canada has provided an indexed annual contribution to the Province of British Columbia, recognizing that ferries are part of the provincial highway system. This year alone, that assistance amounts to nearly $38.6 million. This is a tangible expression of the partnership between Ottawa and British Columbia.
    During the pandemic, federal funding through the safe restart agreement allowed ferries to continue to sail. Without this partnership, communities would have had to deal with higher fares or reduced services. Neither option was acceptable, and the government stepped in to keep the system afloat.
    The Government of Canada has also taken steps to support ferry operators in Canada, including through the removal of importation duties on used ferries and by providing loans to BC Ferries to help renew its fleet with modern vessels. These efforts are supported by the national shipbuilding strategy. Since 2012, this strategy has created or maintained more than 20,000 jobs per year, contributed tens of billions of dollars to our GDP and restored stability to a sector that was once plagued by boom-and-bust cycles.
    Ferries are not regional amenities. They are part of the national infrastructure. They are constitutional obligations in the east, vital corridors in the west and vital arteries everywhere else. Investing in ferry services is an investment in Canadians, in communities and in the unity of our country.
(2420)
     Mr. Speaker, I first want to thank my colleague for staying up late tonight to show up for this important debate.
    I am going to correct a couple of things. First of all, the pandemic relief that the federal government provided to BC Ferries was also provided to the east coast. It was equal in terms of per capita. Second, the loans that the member cited are repayable loans. Even with the loan interest at $26 million a year and the $38 million, when we look at loan savings per year over 25 years, that does not even come close to the hundreds of millions of dollars that the federal government subsidizes on the east coast.
     There are approximately 350,000 passengers on the east coast and 22 million at BC Ferries, yet the federal government gives hundreds of millions of dollars to Atlantic Canada, which we support, but they shortchange British Columbians. It has been far too long since the government has reviewed the essential ferry funding for British Columbians. It is time for the government to fix it.
     The population of Vancouver Island is more than the population of New Brunswick, more than that of Newfoundland and Labrador and P.E.I. together, and almost the same as that of Nova Scotia. This is long overdue. I am here at 12.22 a.m. not because I think this is fair. It is unfair.
     Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for his work and for his advocacy on this important issue.
     As I mentioned before, ferry services in Canada are a lifeline for communities to get goods to market and support the economy. BC Ferries is one of the largest ferry operators in the world. It provides an essential public service that plays a critical role in the day-to-day lives of British Columbians, in terms of bringing together smaller communities and facilitating connections to key services such as doctor's appointments and education.
    We are very well aware of the importance of the ferries to these communities. That is why, since 1977, we have provided an indexed annual contribution to the Province of British Columbia for the coastal ferry service within the province. This year alone, it is nearly $38.6 million. In exchange for an annual grant, the Province of British Columbia assumes sole responsibility for determining which ferry services receive financial assistance, and the Government of Canada was relieved of all obligations related to the funding and operation of ferry service within the province. In addition to the grant, we also provide funding to BC Ferries.
    I am afraid the time has expired.
    The hon. members for York—Durham and Calgary Crowfoot not being present during the Adjournment Proceedings to raise the matters for which notices have been given, the notices are deemed withdrawn.
    The motion that the House do now adjourn is deemed to have been adopted. Accordingly, this House stands adjourned until later this same day at 2 p.m. pursuant to Standing Order 24(1).
    (The House adjourned at 12:24 a.m.)
Publication Explorer
Publication Explorer
ParlVU