:
Mr. Speaker, now that Their Majesties have left the national capital region, we can really pick apart the throne speech the government wrote yesterday.
Yesterday Canadians heard a throne speech that was not bad on slogans and rhetoric but terrible on any kind of detail and a plan. A lot of times, government members will defend that by saying that the details come out in the legislation. While there may be some truth to that, in a throne speech, we usually at least get a clear indication of what that legislation would do. In other words, we get an indication of the way the government is going to accomplish the goals it has set out for itself. We received precisely none of that yesterday.
We were told that the government wants to build more homes, yet all the government did was talk about increasing the number of bureaucrats who run programs in Ottawa. There was nothing about incentivizing municipalities to speed up development processes and lower development charges. The government copied and pasted many aspects of the Conservative platform; one specific aspect was eliminating the GST on new home construction. Some might call it plagiarism, which is something the has some familiarity with.
The Liberals must have dropped something when they were cutting and pasting that from the Conservative platform, because they accidentally restricted it. I say “accidentally” sarcastically. They made this policy much narrower in its application. Our plan would have reduced the GST on new homes, period, but the Liberals have restricted that to only some new home purchases. They did not talk at all about the way they were going to reduce that red tape and lower those taxes.
We have a who wrote a book called Value(s), in which he defined himself as a human being. In that book, not only did he profess his love for the carbon tax, but he also bragged about the experience he has imposing higher costs, not just on Canadians but on the people of the world.
That is where the comes from: a global investment scheme in which fancy bankers and powerful elites put together a grift. The Prime Minister actually explained how he benefited from this. He gave an interview when he was on a panel and described how this grift unfolds. First, he and people like him have access to important decision-makers and policy-makers around the world. He actually said this. He uses that access to lobby for regulatory changes.
In other words, the gets to have a glass of wine or a canapé with a government official in a country. In those conversations or meetings, he convinces them to make regulatory changes, and then he invests in the companies that benefit from those changes.
In the example the used, he spoke about lobbying the government of the United Kingdom to bring in a new requirement for jet fuel. There was no market for the new requirement. If there was a natural market for it, then aviation companies would make those changes to jet fuel. The Prime Minister specifically required that a certain percentage of that aviation fuel had to be sourced from nonconventional energy. If there was a market for that, if that nonconventional product was more efficient or cheaper, then the companies would do it themselves. They would not need a regulatory agency to tell them to do it. There was no market for it. Why is that? It would increase costs. Those costs would get passed on to consumers, and fewer people would be able to afford to fly.
Therefore, the convinces the policy-maker to bring in a rule that cannot be ignored. In the absence of a market demanding it or necessitating it, the awesome power of the government comes in and forces aviation companies to blend in a certain percentage of nonconventional energy to use in their fuel. Those extra costs get passed on to passengers, and fewer people are able to afford those tickets.
The convinces the policy-maker that every plane flying in and out of a U.K. airport must have a certain percentage of fuel. Then he looks around and sees a company producing a nonconventional energy product. It was not making any money before the regulatory change; now it has a huge market for what it produces, that nonconventional energy product. All of a sudden, with a massive market, that company will be able to sell what it makes to all kinds of airlines flying in and out of the United Kingdom. What does the Prime Minister do? He invests in that company.
Not only does the lobby for the regulatory change, but he then also invests in the company and makes millions. Members do not have to take my word for it. The Prime Minister himself admitted this before he ran to be the leader of the Liberal Party.
Mr. Speaker, imagine doing that with any other aspect of government. Imagine having a buddy who owns an asphalt company, and for one reason or another, it was not making much money. Maybe the company was selling an additive for the asphalt, but there was not really a market for it; cities and rural municipalities did not think they needed to buy it, and the company did not produce anything of value for motorists or taxpayers in that area.
Mr. Speaker, imagine using special access to get time with ministers or government officials and, not because there was a market for it, convincing them to pass a rule that the company's product had to be included in all the asphalt being laid down in an area and then going out and investing in that company. If someone were an elected official and they did that, they would likely be up on criminal charges. They would likely be investigated for corruption. That is exactly what the did in his private sector career: He used his access with government officials to lobby for changes to allow him to make investments and make millions. That is who the Prime Minister is.
In the throne speech, there was no mention of how to get big projects built. We can remember it was the Liberal government that cancelled big energy projects like northern gateway and energy east. Northern gateway would have opened up Asian markets; it is the shortest route between where the oil and gas is found in the ground and where there is a deep water port to be able to ship it to countries like India, China and Japan, with booming populations and an ever-increasing middle class. Right now, many of those countries are buying their energy from countries that do not share our values. These are countries with dictators and regimes that abuse the rights of women and religious minorities and that engage in fomenting wars and terrorist activities not just throughout the region but throughout the world. Canadians are no longer able to fill those markets, because the Liberals cancelled those pipelines. There was nothing in the throne speech about repealing those terrible pieces of legislation or supporting those projects.
The says that he is the man with the plan. Slogans are not as efficient as plans, yet there is no plan. Then he goes around and tells Canadians that there will not even be a budget for six months. We can look at all the economic calamities that Canadians have had to suffer through: an inflation crisis, a cost of living crisis, a housing crisis, massive debt and deficits racked up by Liberal governments. The Liberal government is spending more on servicing the debt than it is on health care. In other words, it is paying more in interest payments to bankers and bondholders.
After all of this, with the himself saying that speed was of the essence and that, as a country, we have to start addressing this as quickly as possible, he is telling Canadians they are going to have to wait for six months before we get this plan. I do not know of a single boardroom around the country that would keep a CEO in his position if, in the middle of a crisis, the CEO came in and said, “I know we are in a crisis. Do not worry; I have a plan. I will come back to you in six months.” I do not think any board of directors would keep a CEO who asked for a six-month grace period to start to address a problem.
The says he wants to build, but he refuses to repeal the very laws that stop us from building. He will not commit to repealing Bill , the anti-pipeline bill. He refuses to repeal Bill , the shipping ban that blocks western Canadian oil from reaching global markets. He is keeping in the energy and production caps and the industrial carbon tax. Here we have a situation in which our steelworkers, aluminum workers and manufacturers in Canada have to worry about their companies competing against American manufacturers when there is no carbon tax on the U.S. side of the border. My colleague from made a great point yesterday when she pointed out that saying we are going to fight with the Americans while keeping an industrial carbon tax on Canadian workers is like tying one elbow behind our back. It is not going to put Canada in a position of strength if the government keeps the industrial carbon tax.
The flippantly said, “When was the last time you bought a whole bunch of steel?” Does he not realize that there is steel in a lot of things that Canadians buy on a pretty regular basis?
Last time I opened my fridge, the fridge had steel; the car I drive has steel; lots of household components have steel; and lots of framing materials for new homes require steel. There are many things that Canadians have to buy on a regular basis that contain steel. That steel could be made in Canada, and we could export some of that steel to the U.S. and around the world if Canadian manufacturers had an advantage and did not have to pay that carbon tax. The irrational devotion to the carbon tax that the has in keeping the industrial side of it is a direct repudiation of anything he has said on helping Canada fight back from a position of strength. He is going to saddle us with higher taxes and higher regulatory regimes.
There is no mention of repealing the soft-on-crime laws, Bill and Bill , which unleashed a wave of crime across the country. Those two bills drastically lowered penalties for dangerous and repeat offenders, which caused the crime wave. Crime is not like the weather; it is not like one day there might be a bit of humidity and the next day there might be a few extra car thefts. Crime is a direct result of justice policies. When the Liberal Party came in and started repealing mandatory minimum sentences and forcing judges to grant bail instead of jail for some of the country's most notorious and dangerous offenders, we saw a direct correlation in the rise in crime.
The same thing happened with the drug crisis. We had a government that decided to take taxpayers' money. We can think of the taxpayer working so hard, picking up extra shifts, working long hours, missing out on time with their children and their families, because they were hustling and striving to eke out a better quality of life, knowing that when those tax dollars came straight off their paycheque, a portion of those tax dollars was going to buy dangerous opioids to give out to people to use in communities and those drugs ended up in the hands of drug dealers. Imagine the insult to injury for those Canadians who are barely getting by, to find out that their tax dollars went to subsidize drug distribution in our communities.
These are simply the same old talking points dressed up in new packaging. The Liberals are trying to pull off a massive trick on Canadians. They are pretending that, if they just change their rhetoric a little bit and change the leader and the name, but keep the same ministers and keep the same policies, somehow Canadians will believe that things are actually different. However, changing superficial things is easy. The Liberals can swap out the talking points, and they can suddenly mimic some of the language they hear from other political parties, as they did when they lifted Conservative ideas. It is easy to wear black shoes and normal socks and pretend everything is going to be different. However, the things that actually affect Canadians' lives are not the superficial things. They are not words on pieces of paper. They are not the grand prose that comes from a monarch on a visit to the Senate to read a throne speech. Canadians' lives are changed by the laws, the tax rates and the regulations that governments set. So far, we have absolutely zero indication that there will be anything meaningfully changed under this .
There was absolutely nothing in the throne speech to talk about unleashing our businesses and our resources, but that is what Conservatives will do. The best way to fight back against a threat to our country is to fight back from a position of strength.
[Translation]
It is easy to use pretty words and make big speeches, but the reality is that Canadians' quality of life is changed only by the government's policies, not by speeches in either chamber. It is the bills and the decisions made by ministers that will truly change Canadians' quality of life. For now, there is no sign that the government is going to offer Canadians real change.
[English]
Our plan, which the Conservatives put forward to the Canadian people during the last election, will be what we fight for in this Parliament. We will build on the success our leader Pierre Poilievre had in achieving 42% of the vote, with millions of new Canadians voting for the Conservative Party.
I know my Conservative colleagues will agree with me on this. I guarantee that every single one of us, when we were knocking on doors in the last election, met people who told us that they had never voted Conservative before, any many of them said that they had never even voted before. They saw in our leader Pierre Poilievre's vision for this country something that they had not seen for a generation from the Liberals: hope that the promise of Canada could be restored, where hard work pays off, where we can earn a powerful paycheque that affords not just the basic necessities of life, but some of the nice extras as well, and the belief that every generation that comes after will be better off than the previous because our country continues to grow and improve upon itself.
That hope has been lost over the past 10 years because of Liberal government policies. While we have more work to do, as the Conservative Party, to win the next election, I can assure members that our leader Pierre Poilievre will continue to espouse that vision of hope and that promise to Canadians that life will get better.
In the meantime, we will hold the government to rigorous account. It is our job to go through, line by line, every dollar spent, every tax dollar taken out of the pockets of Canadians and every infringement on their liberty. With regard to any decision that comes from the government, we will do our job, not for ourselves, not because we are the blue team and they are the red team, but for Canadians who have to go to work every day and shoulder that government spending, pay off that government debt and put up with the terrible outcomes of disastrous policies that have hurt our country for so long.
More and more Canadians want a government that puts Canadian workers, Canadian energy and Canadian families first. That is what the Conservative opposition will be fighting for every single day, for as long as this Parliament lasts.
I will close with this thought. It was very disappointing, not just for parliamentarians but for Canadians themselves. There are a lot of economic headwinds that are not just on the horizon but are absolutely blowing through communities all across the country. TD Bank is predicting a recession just around the corner, with thousands of jobs lost. We heard from our housing shadow minister today about a phenomenon that only the Liberal Party of Canada could possibly create, where prices are so high that new buyers cannot afford to buy houses, but they are now lower than the inflated prices that the existing owners bought them at. We have a situation where sellers cannot afford to sell, because if they drop their prices any more, they will not be able to cover the mortgage that they owe, but prices are still far too high for buyers. Buyers cannot buy, and sellers cannot sell. Only a Liberal government could achieve such monumental failure.
We have a situation where the debt required to finance what the government has campaigned on will put enormous pressure on bond markets. We do not know where that will lead, but it has never, ever led to a good place when governments start borrowing so much money that lenders start to doubt whether the government will ever be able to fully pay it off and start demanding a higher premium for that.
We think of the man with the plan, the guy we hire in a crisis, the guy who claims that he can walk into a boardroom and solve these issues, but who still has not gotten results from his visit to the United States. Other countries have gotten deals. The has not gotten one.
There is still no plan to get new energy projects built. Worst of all, there is no budget to show Canadians just how bad the situation is and what they might be facing in the future. That lack of a budget is probably the most concerning thing that we have had heard from the government over the last few weeks. This is the number one job. The reason why the House of Commons exists is to approve taxation and spending. That is the origin story of our parliamentary system.
It is not just a matter of disrespect; it is a matter of hiding from Canadians the true consequences of government policies. The fact that the government will not commit to tabling a budget before it goes on vacation for the summer is telling. What it is telling me is that the Liberals are really afraid to share the bad news. They are afraid of coming clean with Canadians because the numbers are so bad.
The best thing we can do with tough medicine is to take it early, and then all of us can get together to try to fix the problem. We urge the government to table the budget.
In that light, I move:
That the motion be amended by adding the following: “and we urge Your Majesty's advisors to include a firm commitment to present to Parliament an economic update or budget this spring before the House adjourns for the summer that incorporates measures aimed at unleashing Canada's economic potential including full accountability of Canada's finances.”
:
Mr. Speaker, I rise today for the first time in the current Parliament with immense gratitude and humility, honoured to again represent the people of the Yukon in the chamber. I will be sharing my time with the member for .
I want to sincerely thank the citizens of the Yukon for their trust and confidence in me. I was gratified to receive the support of so many constituents, but regardless of whether and where someone placed their vote, I remain committed to representing all Yukoners and to maintaining a strong voice for the Yukon as a commitment to a stronger and united Canada that firmly embraces and includes the north.
I also want to congratulate you, Mr. Speaker, on your election to this esteemed role. I have full confidence that you will guide the members in the House to honour the Athenian spirit that you referred to, a House where we can participate in vigorous and informed debate while maintaining the highest regard for each other as elected representatives of all Canadians.
With respect to my colleagues across the House, both those who are returning and those who are newly elected, I look forward to working with each of them in the spirit of collaboration and respect. I want to give special recognition to the new members of Parliament from generation Z, whose presence in the House is both refreshing and inspiring. They bring a fresh energy that resonates deeply, not only with young Canadians but especially with young Yukoners, who hear their future reflected in those members' voices.
It is a privilege to be back in Parliament representing a territory as unique and vital as the Yukon, a place where the true north is indeed strong and free.
I listened carefully to the Speech from the Throne delivered by His Majesty King Charles. His words carried a powerful message of unity, respect and hope, a reminder of the values that bind us as a nation.
I appreciate the recognition of the land on which we gather. I would like to acknowledge, also with deep gratitude, that we are gathered on the unceded territory of the Algonquin Anishinabe people. Let us remember, whenever we speak in this great House, on whose territory we have the privilege to reside. This acknowledgement reminds us that reconciliation is a shared responsibility that we must carry out with sincerity and resolve.
In the Yukon, reconciliation is a commitment we strive to live up to every day. True reconciliation means indigenous peoples must have a real voice and real power over the decisions that shape their lands, their communities and their futures. We will continue to uphold the principle of free, prior and informed consent, not just as policy but as a promise.
Mr. Speaker, you will note that my few minutes on this stage begin and end with the north. As Canada faces unprecedented challenges in this world, these challenges are experienced even more in the north. However, as reflected in the throne speech, this moment also provides us with incredible opportunities for renewal and for thinking big and acting bigger. So, too, do opportunities lie in the north.
We in the north are on the front lines of the climate crisis. Melting permafrost, wildfires, and ecosystem shifts are not tomorrow’s headlines; they are today’s reality in Yukon. However, we are not just experiencing these changes; we are also leading the way with solutions. From renewable energy projects to indigenous-led conservation, Yukon is showing that environmental leadership and economic growth can and must go hand in hand.
We must continue and strengthen our government’s investments in clean energy infrastructure, climate adaptation and indigenous environmental stewardship in the north. Our responsibility is clear: to protect this land for future generations while building a sustainable economy rooted in respect for nature.
Health care is another urgent priority. Too many Yukoners and Canadians across the country, especially those living in rural and remote areas, face long waits, long travel and limited access to the care they need. Canadians need and deserve prompt access to primary care. Mental health and addiction services are stretched too thin, and our prevention efforts are not yet meeting the need. In collaboration with provinces and territories, our government will continue work on these serious gaps in health care access.
A strong Yukon also depends on a just and inclusive economy, one where everyone has a chance to thrive. Economic progress means better education, housing and job opportunities for the Yukoners' youth and for families in the Yukon and across the country.
[Translation]
As highlighted in the Speech from the Throne, the French language is at the heart of the Canadian identity. That said, many people are unaware of the vitality and strength of the Yukon's francophone community. As a proud francophile, I have been privileged to live alongside and work with this dynamic community.
It is striking that the Yukon boasts the third-largest bilingual population per capita in Canada. As the MP for the Yukon, I remain deeply committed to advocating for its needs and ensuring that the community continues to thrive.
[English]
Canada indeed respects and celebrates its two official languages and also its multiple indigenous languages. The Yukon, in fact, is home to eight distinct indigenous languages, each a vital expression of culture. Today, all 14 Yukon first nations are actively engaged in efforts to restore and revitalize these languages. As our government continues its commitment to indigenous languages and reconciliation, I remain dedicated to advocating for the resources and support needed to ensure the ongoing renewal and flourishing of Yukon’s original languages.
Our government is driven by a fundamental belief: A strong economy must work for everyone. Today, too many Canadians are struggling to get ahead, and we are taking action. We are cutting taxes for the middle class, saving two-income families up to $840 a year. We are making home ownership more attainable by cutting the GST on home prices at or below $1 million for first-time homebuyers, delivering savings of up to $50,000 and reducing the GST on homes between $1 million and $1.5 million.
Nationally, we are focused on building a strong, inclusive economy that leaves no one behind. This means lowering the cost of living, making housing more affordable and unlocking opportunities in the skilled trades. We will remove interprovincial and interterritorial trade barriers, invest in nation-building infrastructure and strengthen Canada’s position on the global stage, while safeguarding our sovereignty, borders and values.
Amidst unsettling and increasing global conflicts and insecurity, all eyes are on the Arctic. Thus, I am pleased that the throne speech confirms that Canada will invest to strengthen its presence in the north as this region faces new threats.
In the Yukon, no less than anywhere else in the country, building a strong Canada means working in deep partnership with indigenous partners. That is why I am pleased to see that our government will double the indigenous loan guarantee program from $5 billion to $10 billion, enabling more indigenous communities to become owners of major projects. Together, these are not just government goals; they are our shared priorities, a blueprint for a stronger Yukon and a stronger Canada. As we move forward, I am confident that by working collaboratively within government, with indigenous partners and with communities across Canada, we can meet these challenges head-on.
This moment demands bold action and clear vision. I am proud to be part of a government that shares a commitment to building a secure, prosperous and inclusive Canada, a Canada where Yukon’s voice is heard and where all Canadians can thrive.
As His Majesty stated yesterday, Canada’s national anthem celebrates the true north strong and free. My home, and the home of the 47,000 Yukoners I represent, is the very heart of Canada’s true north. As we build a Canada that is strong, secure, safe and free, I will ensure on behalf of my constituents that the Yukon, with all its rich resources, its pristine environment and its people imbued with the spirit of innovation, community and adventure, this great territory, will be with Canada all the way.
:
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to share my thoughts and the thoughts of my constituents in support of the Speech from the Throne. I welcome you in that chair, and I look forward to working with all members of the House on the really important work we have to do.
When I first ran back in 2014-15 to become a candidate for the Liberal Party, and then went on to become a member of Parliament for the best riding in Canada, Mississauga—Erin Mills, the main objective I had as a 28-year-old first-generation immigrant, young racialized woman and lawyer was to make sure that every single Canadian had equality of opportunity and the ability to utilize what we build here in Parliament and as government as a foundation to make sure they succeed and that all Canadians succeed, because when one Canadian is successful, all of us are successful. I was really happy to hear the Speech from the Throne and am happy to talk about what it means to be Canadian, to talk about not only Canadian sovereignty and identity, but also the uniqueness of how we support one another and build community together.
When I first moved to Canada as a young, impressionable 12-year-old girl coming from England, I was really surprised at how respectful our Canadian communities were. My front neighbours did not look like my side neighbours or my back neighbours, yet we continue to be one of the most peaceful and respectful communities in the world, as noted by leading organizations and the United Nations as well. I always wondered why that was, and I spent a lot of time working with volunteer organizations as a kid, whether it was my local library, food banks or art galleries, trying to understand what makes Canadians who we are. How are we so peaceful? How are we able to bring our differences together and utilize them for the betterment of each and every one of us? The reality of this over the past 25-year journey has been that it is not a flip of a switch, but a consistent, constant, determinative effort among all levels of government, civil society, grassroots organizations and indeed individual Canadians to make sure that we continue to build bridges among one another.
Right now, Canada stands at a precipice. We are standing in a very insecure time. That is not because of who we are. A lot of it has to do with external factors. What the King's speech really highlighted for me is what the action plan is going to look like going forward to make sure that we maintain our sovereignty and decrease instability and make sure not only that each and every Canadian has equality of opportunity to do everything and succeed in everything they want to succeed in, but also that those who are less fortunate and need that extra foundation also have that support.
In my 10 years in Parliament, I have served as a member of the justice committee and the chair of the justice committee. I have served on the access to information, privacy and ethics committee and the public accounts committee. I have served on the National Security and Intelligence Committee of Parliamentarians, as a former chair of the all-party women's caucus, as the vice-chair for the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association and most recently as the parliamentary secretary for national revenue. I have a solid understanding of what it takes for Parliament to come together and find the concrete solutions that each and every single member here in our chamber has heard about from our constituents.
I can talk about the dire need for housing and affordability to make sure that equality of opportunity exists for a single mom who is having a difficult time putting food on the table because she is a single earner. As to precarious housing, there are those who really need housing and cannot afford it. There are young people who need jobs in order to get a leg up within our communities and grow our economy.
We must make sure that Canada represents itself in a strong way on the international front as well, not only in how we deal with our neighbours to the south, but also in how we deal with significant challenges across the world, whether they are about Gaza, Ukraine, China, Russia, Sudan or Yemen. Ultimately, Canada needs to stand by the rule of law internationally and make sure that we are doing right by our partners and allies. That comes from having a consistent, solid and significant approach to how we do business here in this House.
My colleague from mentioned that we have a strong minority, but I disagree with that, because I do not think we have a strong minority. If each and every one of us in this Parliament puts aside partisan differences, comes together to build a strong, united Canada and talks about the interests of each and every one of our constituents first and foremost, then we are not a minority. We are the representatives of who we are as Canadians, what our identity is and where we need to go to protect Canada's sovereignty, to protect Canada strong and free.
It is going to be a very interesting Parliament, I am sure. It is going to be a challenge to bring everyone together. I think this Speech from the Throne sets out key priorities to help us find common ground so we can put aside our partisan differences and actually talk about and find concrete solutions for the people who elected us and put us here in this chamber. I am willing to do that work, and I hope that all of my colleagues across all aisles here are willing to do that work also.
In conclusion, the priorities that have been outlined in the Speech from the Throne represent the voices I heard in my constituency when I knocked on doors. They represent the conversations I had with my local mayor in Mississauga. They represent the conversations I had with our provincial parliamentarians in Ontario. They represent each and every person whose ideologies and fears were validated and heard through the Speech from the Throne.
Going forward over this term, this is an excellent plan for making sure that each and every Canadian has the equality of opportunity to thrive and has the foundation needed to succeed, grow a family and be able to live a happy, united and strong Canadian life.
I look forward to the questions that my colleagues have for me.
:
Mr. Speaker, when we left the House in December 2024, a number of people were printing out resumés.
In January 2025, a crisis escalated with the United States on three fronts. It was a tariff crisis, which seemed likely but obviously temporary, since tariffs are an intimidation tactic, or a response to an intimidation tactic in the case of retaliatory tariffs. It was a trade crisis in anticipation of a new trade agreement, a free trade agreement that will be less free but will still be a trade agreement. It was also a crisis of fabrications, which we can now say was a joke from the start without being accused of not taking things seriously. It will never be anything more than a joke that was picked up and exploited to sow uncertainty for the benefit of the Liberal election campaign.
All the stops were pulled out during what I call the three big red weekends. I am referring to the Liberal leadership debate, the selection of the Liberal Party leader the following weekend, and the appointment of the Liberal ministers the weekend after that, followed by the election call. The next day, in the midst of a crisis, the himself told Radio-Canada, “No crisis, no Mark Carney”. I know I am not allowed to name him, but since it is a quote, I do not really have a choice.
Yesterday, we laughed so hard it would have made Rock et Belles Oreilles look like undertakers. There was not a word in the throne speech about the tariff crisis, not a word about the trade crisis. Furthermore, some posh foreign sovereign came over making claims about Canadian sovereignty when he is actually the king of another people. What happened to the crisis? There was a crisis going on. The widespread panic it caused was carefully stoked. It served a purpose, but then where did the crisis go?
Was it resolved, as we were led to believe, by he who was already and who is now confirmed in the role? The whole reason he was seeking a mandate is absent from his own throne speech. What we find instead is an unprecedented degree of centralization, both in reality and in intent.
In reality, when it comes to health care, the government is still trying to interfere in pharmacare and dental care, a jurisdiction that belongs to Quebec and the provinces. It seems that, in the thought process of a great economist, efficiency is achieved when a task is assigned to people who know nothing about it, which makes it take longer and cost more. The same reasoning applies to child care. Obviously, there is no increase in health transfers, because a province that is being strangled financially is a province that can be brought low and subjugated.
The government is centralizing environmental issues because it wants to create a giant steamroller that will run a pipeline through Quebec based on Canadian environmental standards. It is ignoring the fact that Quebec has the Bureau d'audiences publiques sur l'environnement, or BAPE, which was created under a provincial law. A law cannot be circumvented. No one can decide to circumvent a law to please a friend.
There is also this idea about one economy, one Canadian economy, naturally. Every Canadian province has its own economic tools that work differently, have different effects and generate different amounts of money from different economic bases. The idea of one economy was unanimously rejected by all elected members of the Quebec National Assembly. Either the government has decided that it could not care less about what elected officials said, or it did not hear those elected officials say no.
Earlier today, during question period, I heard questions that seemingly came from western Canada. I am not sure that they really agree either. I am not convinced that people in the west believe that there should only be one Canadian economy and that they should submit to it.
The same centralizing approach to Canadian multiculturalism is not particularly popular with Quebeckers. Why? It is simply because it denies the distinctiveness of Quebec's language and values, as well as the immigration issues that are unique to Quebec. Our integration challenges are not the same. Obviously, this is true in terms of language, but it is becoming clearer every day that it is also true in terms of values.
The great virtue of the Speech from the Throne is that it is unapologetic. We are told right from the start that, no matter what we say or do, this is the vision that will apply. That stems from ignorance—in the sense of a lack of knowledge, not an unwillingness to learn—about how the parliamentary system works, about the constraints of a legislative process that must ultimately yield power to elected officials and parliamentarians.
That is why I used the following image earlier: It is as though Canada were a bank with branches in Quebec City, Toronto, Edmonton and so on. It is as though Canada were a central bank with branches that take their orders from the head banker. I do not mean any offence by that, but this way of looking at things is upsetting to Quebeckers and Quebec MNAs.
The federal government will say that it is the one with the money. Thanks to the good old fiscal imbalance, the federal government gets more money than it needs to fulfill its responsibilities, and the provinces get less than they need to fulfill theirs, not to mention the fact that the provinces are afraid to raise taxes. The federal government will say that it has the money to force the provinces to surrender their areas of jurisdiction so that everything can be centralized under the federal government, which thinks it knows better than everyone else.
On another note, climate change is real for the 22 Bloc Québécois members of Parliament. Yes, there is such a thing as climate change, which is destroying the environment at a highly accelerated rate, destroying lives and—we will repeat it time and again—costing every family thousands of dollars a year in insurance costs, higher grocery bills, and taxes to repair the damage. Trying to fight climate change costs much more than we could have ever imagined.
It seems logical to assume that the also believed in climate change when he was running Brookfield, because it was a green investment fund on paper. We eventually discovered that the green investment fund was actually a black investment fund, because it invests in oil and gas. There must be an explanation that we do not yet know and that we will find out as soon as we find out about the Prime Minister's personal assets. Did he think that way when he was running Brookfield, or was it a way to attract investors?
Again, the Speech from the Throne does not have a lot to say about the climate and the environment. Our party tends to talk about it a lot. What is more, Repentigny just sent us the Wayne Gretzky of the environment. He is certainly going to stickhandle this issue and force some people in this Parliament to see whether they still have an environmental conscience, especially the former environment and climate change minister.
We have an oil and gas government that was elected on an oil and gas agenda because it told people that now was not the time to talk about the environment, the French language, immigration, values, seniors or anything else. It said that there was no time to talk about anything because we were in a crisis. The crisis seems to be over, judging from the Speech from the Throne. Now we will surely be able to talk about those things.
In any case, our party is going to talk about them, because a model that strikes a balance between the economy and the environment has more wealth-generating potential in the long run than a model that costs more to repair than it makes in profits. Even the profits that are generated are concentrated in the hands of a few individuals and spent on fancy yachts sailing the Mediterranean. This does nothing for taxpayers who constantly pay more for less.
Still, we must find a way to co-operate. Canadians and Quebeckers wanted a with a background in banking to negotiate with the United States.
As the process begins, questions have emerged. A tax that was not paid has cost $4 billion to reimburse. That is a new one. How a sum that was not paid out can be reimbursed is hard for me to fathom, yet it put $4 billion in the pockets of Canadians. As I see it, Canada excluded Quebec. Quebeckers did not receive a cent because they have their own carbon pricing system. The rebate had nothing to do with the carbon tax, however. The ruse was not particularly honest.
I would therefore remind Parliament that Canada owes the people of Quebec $800 million. That is a fact. Until it is paid, we will continue to speak out. The government had the nerve to tell Quebeckers that they made up that figure, that it had been proven to be false, and the government handed out cheques to buy votes, but not to them, because they are just Quebeckers.
Then there are the $6 billion in tax cuts. A bill will be introduced to that effect, but it is useless. The said there would be an economic update in the fall and a budget next spring. The Prime Minister said there would be a budget this fall instead. Since the tax cuts cannot take effect until January 1, 2026, the fall budget will include the tax cuts. That makes the bill unnecessary, unless the government is trying to create more smoke and mirrors, a bit like it did with the King and annexation, for example.
The $20 billion in revenue from retaliatory tariffs is also being dropped. No one knows much about the details. The $20-billion ballpark figure is fairly well known. That means another $30 billion will be added to Canada's deficit this year. That is quite significant. Justin Trudeau must be kicking himself for holding back; he could have done a lot worse. There is no economic update or budget, and yet we are supposed to go on believing that we have not been taken for a ride.
Recognition of Quebec's distinct character is another issue. I would remind the House that we spent the election campaign talking about eight sectors which, although not exclusive to the Quebec economy, are specific to it. These are aluminum, critical minerals, supply management, aerospace, forestry, clean energy and culture. Quebec's culture is very different, and it is not being swallowed up by another culture. In any case, we are better at resisting, and the other is not the same other. There are also the fisheries.
We discussed a range of solutions. It is unbelievable. The word “solutions” is not mentioned in the Speech from the Throne, except in very broad and vague principles. There is the wage subsidy, which is loosely based on the COVID‑19 model, research and technology transfers for businesses to make them more competitive, and market diversification. I went to Europe and talked about market diversification with representatives of European countries. There is purchasing power, especially for retirees, productivity, reserving of public contracts, which could have been done many years ago, support for small and medium-sized businesses, the military sector, public contracts and maintaining purchasing power. I cannot believe that I know more about economics than the new high priest does. I am an anthropologist.
However, we presented a number of solutions. I was very involved in creating these solutions so that they could be discussed and debated. There is no mention of this, aside from the words “supply management”. We will come back to that. The principle of supply management was never at stake, but parts of it were eliminated. It is like telling someone that they are not going to take their house away, but that they are taking their garage, and tomorrow they will come and take their bedroom, and then the kitchen. It will still be their house, but all they will have left is the foundation and basement. That is more or less what is happening.
That is what needs to be protected in full, but I think we need a test to prove that we can work this out together. That is why I asked earlier about what happened to the crisis.
Nevertheless, we listened to Quebeckers, and we promised to try very hard to collaborate, to find a way forward and as much common ground as possible. We promised to start from how Canada sees itself and how Quebec sees itself, but we do not have a monopoly on how Quebec sees itself. We are going to argue over which group is bigger, but the Quebec National Assembly has made it very clear that its members are all Quebeckers. It is the only assembly that speaks only for Quebec. That matters, and we need to listen to them.
There are differences because other people will come at things from Canada's perspective and we will come at things from Quebec's perspective. There will always be issues around language, values, the immigration model, small and medium-sized businesses, and the environment. We will do everything we can to get along, because Quebeckers will be watching and we will speak on their behalf.
We will agree or we will use what Quebeckers gave us, for now, namely the balance of power in the committees. Here, given the makeup of Parliament, we have a certain weight. In every committee chaired by the Liberals, if the Liberals do not agree with the Conservatives, the Bloc Québécois will have the votes that make the difference. Generally speaking, if they agree, that is not good news for Quebec. We will have to negotiate.
I want to repeat in good faith that we are prepared to negotiate and find common ground. Either we will agree before being compelled to use the balance of power, or we will agree afterward, because things might get heated in committee.
As a test of good faith, I propose an amendment to the Conservative amendment to the Speech from the Throne:
That the amendment be amended by adding the following:
“, with respect for the areas of jurisdiction and the institutions of Quebec and the provinces”