The House resumed consideration of the motion that Bill , be read the second time and referred to a committee.
[Member spoke in indigenous language and provided the following text:]
Neegan ninaskomon Nohtwaynan anoch, Tansi Niwakakakanak, Maskekosihk Ochi Okimaw Natokipoi nitseekason. Representative Amiskwaciy waskigan Keewatinok paksimotahk.
[Member provided the following translation:]
First I acknowledge our creator and bring greetings to all my relations. My name is Sacred Rider Chief Billy Morin from Enoch Cree Nation, now the MP for Edmonton Northwest.
[English]
I have risen in this House before in short moments, so in this extended time allocation, please allow me to acknowledge those who helped me get here: my family, nikâwiy Charlene, nohtâwiy William, and all my extended family and community from the Enoch Cree Nation. I thank my roots in the Blackfoot territory, Kainai territory, Treaty 7 territory and southern Alberta and my Métis family. I thank my wife Felecia and our children, William, Wilton, Walker and Ashtrid, and my many grandparents, nimosumak and nokumak. Of course, I thank the good people of Edmonton Northwest, notably our grassroots campaign team.
Edmonton Northwest is a place where people come. Since time immemorial, first peoples have gathered in Edmonton Northwest to live in Amiskwaciwâskahikan, or Beaver Hills House, the Cree name for the region. It was a place of peace; conflict and conflict resolution through treaty making; traditional ceremony; sustenance; and community. It was a place where the North Saskatchewan River flowed mightily and the buffalo and the game were plentiful.
Right down the middle of my riding is the Anthony Henday highway. Anthony Henday is acknowledged as one of the first explorers to come to Edmonton. Over the next centuries since Anthony Henday, they still came. Many came from Europe to start, and in those early days, our collective ancestors made treaties nation to nation, which are upheld by the Canadian Constitution. These agreements are the basis for all peoples and Canadians to live in harmony for as long as the sun shines, the grass grows and the rivers flow, as written in treaty.
In those early days, many came driven by hunger and hope. Those fleeing from persecution came. Those looking for a place they could build in came. Those looking for a place where hard work pays off came. Those looking for a place to build an income, a family and a living came. They came from all continents. Today, we have a huge population from the Middle East, the Philippines, eastern Asia, India, eastern Europe, Hispanic America, Africa, South America and more.
People still come today in droves, with 60,000 per year over the last three years on average. Why do they come? Why have they been coming for hundreds of years? Why do they stay? Simply put, they come for affordability, opportunity, jobs, energy and safety. Edmonton's identity is built around this.
All the big Canadian cities have their identities. I have been in conversations where some struggle to identify what Edmonton means and what Edmonton's identity is. To me, the most Edmonton thing that someone can do is work hard, buy a home, raise a family and become a part of the community. Having small-town roots in the big city is still a thing in Edmonton.
However, this is under attack, and a root cause of this attack is the federal government's negligence. Homes are becoming increasingly more unaffordable, and this is not just a campaign talking point. I ran into many young people who, with humility, took time out of their day to tell me they could not afford a home. They said they had no way to have a family or grow their family.
The number of young Canadians who see home ownership and starting a family as unaffordable and unattainable is growing in my riding. Grocery prices are rising, lineups at food banks are getting longer and energy to move a family around is becoming more expensive. High taxes for seniors are pricing them out of their own homes, the spaces that are intended for them to spend time with their grandkids.
Despite powering this country for decades, our energy sector is villainized. The industrial heartland of Alberta and Canada is in my hometown of Edmonton, Alberta. Health care equality is systematically getting worse. Crime is out of control. The number of people struggling with addictions and mental health issues is worsening. Jobs for young people are getting scarce. As much as I acknowledge people coming to make a home in the traditional territory of my people in Edmonton Northwest, mismanaged immigration by the federal government is putting stress on all systems.
I grew up a proud Canadian. I grew up singing the national anthem in my school on Enoch Cree Nation. I grew up knowing this country has the best potential in the world. Today, I have heard and empathize with Canadians who came here a generation ago wanting that same feeling of pride, knowing that if they followed the rules, worked hard and learned what it meant to be a Canadian, they too could live in that potential and hope. However, over the last decade, in what some have described as this country being a postnational state, somewhere pride among Canadians has waned.
The government has made the mosaic of Canada a divider, not a unifier. It has pitted Canadian against Canadian. It has attacked the basic affordable family fundamentals for which everyone strives. Despite these attacks on the people in Edmonton and Edmonton Northwest, people still come. Why? It is because those who come to call that place home are resilient people.
In my language we say âhkamêyimok, or “never give up”. We know despite the federal government's attacks on the west, the best is yet to come. We will always fight for the entrepreneurship of our home and the energy culture of the industrial heartland of Alberta, Canada and Edmonton. We will build upon educational institutions. Newcomers quickly learn, with the help of their fellow Edmontonians, how to handle the tough times in the cold and feeling left out.
Edmonton still has the best potential for any city in this country. It can still be the freest city in the world. It can be a small town community with unity. Edmonton is still the city of champions, which is not just about sports success, but about how Edmontonians know how to work hard, know how to give back and know that they will always fight for safe communities and affordable homes.
For thousands of years, my ancestors knew there was something special about the land. They knew there was something special about the water. They knew about the air and about the home that is Edmonton and Edmonton Northwest. Before coming to this House, I was given the task by my elders to continue to build bridges between all peoples. I was asked to share these values and to think win-win with all peoples on behalf of Edmonton Northwest.
This revolves around the conversations and words spoken in this House today and during this Parliament about affordability. I am here to work on behalf of the people who put me here and to honour our past by investing in our future today, because I heard from them directly that buying a home, raising a family and contributing to community are the most Edmonton thing they can do—
:
Mr. Speaker, it is a great honour to rise in the House today for my first speech as the elected member of Parliament for Souris—Moose Mountain.
I want to share a few reflections on where I came from, whom I serve and the responsibilities we all carry as members of this chamber. I am deeply humbled to represent a region that is rooted in hard work, resilience and unshakable community spirit.
First and foremost, I want to thank the people of my riding. I am here because of them. They entrusted me to be their voice in this chamber, and I will work every day to be worthy of that trust.
I also want to acknowledge those who came before me. Ed Komarnicki and Robert Kitchen served this region with integrity, thoughtfulness and strength of conviction. Their example has set a high bar.
I would not be here today without the support of my family. My wife, Candace, is my greatest partner and source of strength. Through every challenge, every sacrifice and every long stretch of road, she remained unwavering in her support and grace. Her belief in me never faltered, and I am endlessly grateful for her love, insight and patience. My daughter, Emma, reminds me daily of what truly matters. She is thoughtful, courageous and wise beyond her years. Her quiet encouragement has been one of the most steadying forces in my journey thus far. I am also grateful to my parents, who taught me not only to work hard but to work with purpose. They instilled in me the importance of character, integrity and perseverance. The examples they set are my guiding light.
I am also thankful to the many volunteers whose dedication and sacrifice helped make this journey possible. Their belief in our cause and their tireless efforts are a humbling reminder that public service is never done alone.
I was humbled to receive the highest percentage of the vote of any candidate in Canada during this election, but let me be clear: This is not about me. It is a testament to the people of Souris—Moose Mountain and their belief in our message, which is rooted in principle: a respect for hard work, for resource development, for freedom and for limited but accountable government.
I grew up on a farm in Saskatchewan, where I learned early that complaining would not get me very far. If something is broken, we fix it. If something matters, we stand up and speak out. Life on the land teaches us patience, persistence and humility. It also teaches us that when we make a promise, we keep it, because our word is often the only thing we have. Those lessons have never left me.
I remember when I was a teenager and a federal issue was affecting cattle prices. My father said to me, “If it matters enough to talk about, it matters enough to do something about.” I wrote a letter to our MP. That simple act of engagement was the first step in my realizing that democracy works only when people participate. It taught me that government, at its best, should be accessible and responsive, not distant and dismissive.
Years later, I had the opportunity to live and work in post-Soviet Eastern Europe for nearly a decade, immersed in countries still navigating the aftermath of authoritarian rule. I was involved in international trade and economic development, working with businesses and governments as they sought to rebuild their economies and re-establish democratic norms after generations of state control. What I witnessed was both inspiring and sobering.
In many of these countries, privacy had once been non-existent. Information was power, and that power had too often been abused. Surveillance was used to silence dissent. Trust in public institutions had been deeply damaged, and though democracy had arrived, the scars of its absence lingered. In some places, people were still afraid to speak freely, still hesitant to believe that the change was permanent. It was there, in conversations with small business owners, young reformers and cautious civil servants, that I saw the true cost of lost public trust. Once trust is broken, it takes generations to rebuild.
When I returned to Canada, I brought those lessons home with me, into my business, my community and eventually into public service. I later had the honour of serving as a cabinet minister in Saskatchewan's provincial government, in which I was responsible for portfolios on economy, trade and innovation. That experience deepened my belief that when government works well, it creates opportunity, not barriers, for people to grow, contribute and succeed.
I reflect on all of this when I consider part 4 of Bill , which addresses the question of how privacy laws apply to federal political parties. At face value, this provision seems narrowly focused. It would retroactively assert that provincial privacy laws do not apply to federal political parties, reinforcing exclusive federal jurisdiction. However, beneath this technical language lies a more profound question about the relationship between citizens and their democratic institutions.
When Canadians provide their personal information to political parties, whether signing up for a newsletter, attending a town hall or simply expressing support, they are placing trust in us. They expect that information to be treated with care, confidentiality and respect. When that expectation is not met, the harm is not just legal or administrative. It is democratic.
The bill may clarify federal jurisdiction, but it also takes provincial privacy commissioners out of the picture. These offices have built strong, effective systems to address complaints and hold organizations accountable. By removing that layer of oversight, we risk weakening the transparency and trust that Canadians expect and deserve.
There is also the risk of reinforcing cynicism. When people see legislation rushed through Parliament, particularly as part of a broader omnibus bill, they may feel that their concerns are being managed, not addressed. When they discover that their personal data, collected for political purposes, exists outside the scrutiny applied to most other private entities in Canada, it raises a troubling double standard. We should ask ourselves what example we are setting as federal political actors. If we expect businesses, charities and provincial governments to uphold privacy rights, should we not hold ourselves to at least that same standard?
I believe that we can do better. Rather than simply assert jurisdiction, we should be using this moment to create a clear, principled and enforceable privacy framework tailored to the political context, one that respects constitutional boundaries but does not sacrifice accountability. Canadians should not be asked to choose between federal clarity and democratic transparency. They deserve both. There is a real opportunity here to lead by example.
As federal lawmakers, we can take a proactive approach. We can establish minimum privacy standards for political parties, standards that ensure Canadians know exactly how their data is collected, stored and used, so that the publication of a privacy policy becomes more than a symbolic check box. We must restore trust and credibility, and we must strengthen our democracy from within. While the legislation does address the jurisdictional gap, it should not be mistaken for a comprehensive solution.
The real solution lies in demonstrating that political parties are willing to play by the same rules as everyone else, that we are not seeking exemption but embracing transparency. This is our chance to get it right, not just for today but for the next generation of voters, many of whom are already deeply skeptical of political institutions. Let us give them a reason to believe that we are listening and that we are willing to hold ourselves to the same standard we expect of others, one that respects constitutional boundaries but does not sacrifice accountability.
Canadians should not be forced to choose between federal clarity and democratic transparency. They deserve both. This is why, as we debate legislation like this, we must ask not only whether it meets constitutional muster but also whether it strengthens public trust, whether it improves how we serve and whether it brings citizens closer to the institutions that represent them.
I saw, in eastern Europe, what happens when governments stop listening, when citizens lose faith in the institutions that are meant to serve them. I can say, without hesitation, that rebuilding trust is far harder than maintaining it. Canadians deserve transparency and clarity, and they deserve to know that the people they elect are subject to rules and are not above them.
I did not come to Ottawa seeking applause. I came here to do the work, to advocate for those who feel unheard, to push for common sense in public policy and to serve with humility. The people of Souris—Moose Mountain are not looking for platitudes. They are looking for leadership that understands the value of work and the weight of their worries. They deserve to know that their privacy, their voices and their values matter.
As I rise from my first speech in the House, I do so not as a politician but as a proud Canadian, shaped by my prairie roots, informed by global experience and guided by the belief that government exists to serve, not to control. I will return again to that image of myself as a teenager, writing that first letter, guided by my father's words. If something matters enough to complain about, it matters enough to do something about. I intend to do something about it, not just today but every day that I have the honour to serve in the House.
:
Mr. Speaker, I would like to inform you that I will be sharing my time with the member for .
On April 28, Canadians came together to give our new Liberal government a strong, historic mandate. We were elected on a commitment to build a strong economy that works for everyone. Over the past few weeks, our government has taken concrete steps to deliver on our plan to make life more affordable for Canadian families.
Bill delivers on three of the government's earliest announcements: cutting taxes for the middle class, eliminating the GST on new homes for first-time homebuyers and repealing the pollution pricing act.
I have mentioned the tax cut several times in the House because it is excellent news. This measure will lower the tax rate of the first income tax bracket from 15% to 14%. This change will benefit more than 22 million people across the country. Individuals will be able to save up to $420 per year, and dual-income families will be able to save up to $840 per year. We are taking meaningful action to put money back in the pockets of Canadians.
During the election campaign, when we were knocking on doors or making phone calls, we heard people say that access to home ownership was a challenge, especially for young people. That is why we want to bring in the GST rebate for first-time homebuyers. The goal is both to help individuals entering the housing market for the first time and to encourage developers to increase the housing supply. The rebate will provide GST relief on new homes at or under $1 million. In other words, this means a maximum relief of $50,000 on the purchase of new home by a first-time homebuyer.
We are a government that listens to the people. Many Canadians asked for a climate policy that transcends political divisions, and we listened. From day one, our new government eliminated consumer carbon pricing. We are already seeing the impact. This has resulted in lower fuel prices. This is another meaningful action that helps Canadian families. Bill repeals the provisions on consumer carbon pricing.
The three measures proposed in Bill C‑4 are part of a broader effort to help families deal with the rising cost of living. That is a very important thing to understand. The best way to make life more affordable for Canadians is to get to work on building a strong economy. It just so happens that our government has a plan to build the strongest economy in the G7 by investing in productivity and innovation, getting more Canadians into the workforce and eliminating interprovincial trade barriers. A strong economy will ensure the sustainability of programs that help make life more affordable for Canadians and save families thousands of dollars a year.
Over the next few minutes, I am going to give a few examples of the measures and programs I am referring to.
Of course, there is the Canada child benefit, which for nearly nine years has been helping low- and middle-income families meet the costs of raising a child. These are monthly tax-free payments made to parents and, since it was rolled out, this benefit has lifted nearly 650,000 children across the country out of poverty. In my riding of Madawaska—Restigouche, more than $40 million a year is paid to parents in our community to help them provide for their children.
I would also like to mention our affordable child care program. Since its launch in 2021, this program has become a cornerstone of Canada's social infrastructure. More than 900,000 children are benefiting from quality child care services. Families across the country are saving thousands of dollars a year, paying on average one-third of what they paid in 2021. During the election campaign, we made a commitment to protect and strengthen this important program. We understand that our workforce is stronger because parents, and primarily mothers, no longer have to choose between the cost of child care and their careers. When families are strong, the economy is strong, and we are making Canada stronger.
I am also thinking of the national school food program, a meaningful measure to make life more affordable. This program is a direct investment in the middle class. It makes life easier for hard-working families. It is also a safety net for children who do not always get enough to eat at home. No child should go to school on an empty stomach because it is much harder for kids to focus when they are hungry. We have entered into school food agreements with all the provinces and territories. That means that the national school food program is fully operational. Under the agreement with my province, New Brunswick, the Government of Canada is investing roughly $11.2 million over the next three years to expand and improve access to the national school food program at the schools in the province. That means being able to fund breakfast programs at 160 additional schools across New Brunswick. In all, more than 57,000 children in New Brunswick will benefit from these programs during the current school year.
I would also like to mention the Canadian dental care plan. It is a very important program as we try to help families cope with the cost of living. In May, we expanded eligibility for this program to all age groups. The program is now available to about eight million Canadians and saves them about $800 a year to get the affordable dental care they need. This is an important measure because during the election campaign, when I was knocking on doors and making phone calls, I heard over and over again how important this program is. I am thinking of the example of one constituent who told me that he has had tooth pain for years and that he could not afford dental care. Now, thanks to the expansion of the program we announced in May, that person will be able to access the care he needs. This is extremely important and makes a difference in the lives of the people we represent.
Last month, the people in my riding and elsewhere in the country expressed the desire to see the cost of living go down. We heard them. Thanks to measures set out in Bill , our government is making changes to cut taxes, decrease costs and put money back in the pockets of Canadians. These changes are in addition to efforts by our government to build a strong economy and ensure the sustainability of programs that already help families save thousands of dollars each year.
I am proud of my government. This government understands the importance of having a strong economy to make life more affordable, and it is guided by the conviction that the economy is only truly strong when it serves everyone. I look forward to voting in favour of Bill C‑4 to make life more affordable for Canadians, including the people in my riding of Madawaska—Restigouche.
:
Mr. Speaker, it is a true honour to rise today to deliver my first speech of the 45th Parliament. I do so with great humility and immense gratitude to the people of Vancouver Kingsway for once again placing their trust in me to represent them. I want to recognize all those who stepped forward as candidates in the last election. Their commitment to public service and to our democratic process is vital to the strength and resilience of our country.
Being re-elected to serve in Parliament is an incredible privilege, one that would not have been possible without the unwavering support of my campaign team. Their hard work, passion and steadfast belief in our shared vision helped us overcome every challenge. From the bottom of my heart, I thank them. I thank the people of Vancouver Kingsway for allowing me to carry their voices, ideas, dreams and aspirations to Ottawa once again. I will work tirelessly each and every day to honour that trust and help build a brighter future for our community and for all Canadians.
I also want to express my sincere thanks to my colleagues in the New Democratic Party for the great honour of serving as our party's leader for an interim period. It is a responsibility I take on with a deep sense of duty to our country, our values and the people we serve. Finally, there is my family. As we all know in this place, none of us could discharge our duties without the love, support and understanding of those closest to us.
The New Democratic Party was built by and for working people to fight for fairness, dignity and opportunity for everyone. As leader, I will work hard to ensure the NDP remains the party that puts workers and their families at the heart of everything we do, because now, more than ever, workers need a strong voice in Parliament, one that will forcefully and effectively advocate for their rights, their livelihoods and their futures.
It is clear that Canada is at a crossroads. Many Canadians are struggling and uncertain about their and their families' futures. We are facing multiple overlapping crises that require immediate and decisive action. Fully half of all Canadians are living paycheque to paycheque, and one in four parents has cut back on their own food consumption to ensure their children have enough to eat.
Eighty per cent of Canadians now believe that owning a home is only for the rich. Among those who do not own a home, 70% have given up ever owning one. Rent prices have more than doubled since 2015. In major cities across Canada, tenants are regularly paying over 50% of their income on shelter, which is a crushing and unsustainable burden.
Canada's health care system is under serious strain, with long wait times, inadequate access to essential services and high levels of burnout among health care workers. Millions of Canadians do not have a family doctor, which is critical to accessing our health care system. Across Canada, working families are under pressure. Right-wing governments are attacking public services, undermining collective bargaining and promoting privatization.
Now we are facing unprecedented external threats. The Trump administration has launched a reckless trade war against Canada, imposing sweeping tariffs on our exports and targeting key sectors of the Canadian economy. Even more disturbing are the inflammatory and deeply disrespectful remarks suggesting Canada should be annexed as the 51st state, an affront to our sovereignty and our identity as a proud, independent nation.
At a time when Canadians are already grappling with economic uncertainty, these threats only deepen our resolve. We will not be intimidated. We will stand united as Canadians in defence of our democracy, our values and our future.
That brings me to Bill , the making life more affordable for Canadians act. While it is not perfect, New Democrats will support this bill at second reading, because it contains measures that provide immediate relief to Canadians who are struggling.
The reduction of the marginal personal income tax rate on the lowest tax bracket, from 15% to 14.5% this year and to 14% in 2026, would be a step toward easing the financial burden on millions of Canadians.
The new GST rebate for first-time homebuyers, which offers a full rebate on homes up to $1 million and a partial rebate on homes up to $1.5 million, is a welcome measure for many families trying to enter an increasingly inaccessible housing market. The elimination of the consumer carbon tax provides an opportunity to create a more effective mechanism to reduce carbon and to fight climate change, in my view the defining issue of our planet and our times.
However, let us be clear: This bill, while helpful, can and should be improved. The biggest benefits of the tax cut would go to higher-income earners. According to David Macdonald, senior economist with the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, 98% of those making over $129,000 would benefit, while only 14% of those living in poverty would see any gain at all. In fact, the average benefit for someone living in poverty would be just $11 a year. For the middle 30% of Canadians, the average benefit would be $151 a year, but for the richest among us, the average benefit would be $310 a year. Ultimately, only 1% of tax filers would reap the full hypothetical benefit of $412 per person that the Liberals touted in the last election when they proposed this tax cut.
More troubling are the unintended consequences of this tax measure: It would reduce the value of critical tax credits. This is because many non-refundable tax credits, like the Canada caregiver credit, the age amount and the disability tax credit, are calculated as a percentage of the lowest federal income tax rate. When that rate is reduced, the dollar value of these credits also decreases. This is not just a technical oversight; it would hurt the financial security of some of the most vulnerable people in our country.
The National Disability Network has raised the alarm, warning that more than 900,000 Canadians who rely on the disability tax credit and the medical expense tax credit could be negatively affected. For many low- and modest-income individuals with disabilities, this tax cut could actually function as a tax increase. These are people who already face higher daily costs due to disability, costs that are not optional. Reducing their tax credits or increasing their overall tax burden is not tax relief; it is a step backwards. That is unacceptable, and I call on my colleagues to work with New Democrats to fix it.
New Democrats will work to fix these flaws. We will propose amendments at committee to ensure that no one, especially those living with disabilities, is left behind. We will work to protect the value of these essential credits so that affordability measures reach those who need them most.
I am also hearing from constituents who will not qualify for the GST rebate on their new home purchase simply because of the closing date of their transaction. New Democrats will also propose amendments to address this gap.
I hope that my colleagues on all sides of the House will examine these flaws of the bill and, if satisfied that they exist, join me and my New Democrat colleagues to pass these constructive amendments to improve this bill and, I think, address the real objective of it, which is to give all Canadians a break at this time, a time that is so difficult for so many of them.
Canadians are looking to this Parliament for leadership. They are looking for unity. They are looking for action that matches the scale of the challenges they face. Bill is a start, but it is not enough. New Democrats will support this bill at second reading, because Canadians need help now, but we will not, should not and cannot stop there. We will push for improvements not only to this bill but to every other aspect of life that will help address and improve affordability for Canadians. Whether that is help with grocery prices, help with utility prices or help with home affordability prices, all of these areas are in crying need of assistance for Canadians who live in every community, every province and territory, and every corner of our great country.
Let us work together to fight for fairness and to help raise the living standard of every Canadian in our country. We will continue, as New Democrats, to work together with our colleagues and stand up for working people in every corner of this country to realize their dreams.
:
Mr. Speaker, I will be splitting my time.
It is with the deepest humility and honour that I rise in this chamber as the member of Parliament for Yellowhead for my maiden speech. It was a privilege to witness His Majesty King Charles III deliver the throne speech in the Senate chamber.
However, a throne speech is more than who delivers the words. It is a promise made by the Liberal government to Canadians. The promise to make life more affordable for Canadians needs to be our immediate focus. This was the number one concern I heard from voters during the last election.
The removal of the consumer carbon tax was the first step in addressing the economic disaster the Liberal government created over the last lost decade. The industrial carbon tax must also go. Millennials and gen Z cannot afford the costs of home ownership.
There is a meagre attempt made in Bill to gaslight Canadians by saying the Liberals are eliminating the GST for first-time homebuyers on new homes, but it would impact such a small segment of the market, that proposed changes would not create any real change at all. The proposal included in the bill would help fewer Canadians than what our party campaigned on during the last election, and the Liberals actually want to cap this in six years' time, whereas we would have made it permanent.
The Liberal government copied our Conservative policies, but only in half measures: the reduction in personal income taxes was less; the proposed GST rebate on new homes is less; and the impacts of this bill do not go far enough when addressing the affordability needs of Canadians today.
It is an honour to represent the thousands of people who call Yellowhead home, and I am committed to doing everything I can to help make life affordable for my constituents. As a father, I want to ensure the future generations can continue to call Yellowhead the best place to live, work and raise a family.
I can confidently say that we live in the most beautiful riding in the entire country. At more than 83,600 square kilometres, Yellowhead is bigger than the province of New Brunswick and the entire country of Ireland. It stretches from the Rocky Mountains following the Cowboy Trail, from the Willmore Wilderness area and Grande Cache in the north to Kananaskis country in the south, and everything in between, including Canada's crown jewels, Banff National Park and Jasper National Park.
My riding consists of many communities made up of hard-working Albertans, including Springbank, Rocky View County, Banff, Canmore, Exshaw, Dead Man's Flats and the Bow Valley. Going north on the Cowboy Trail, there is Waiparous, Cremona and Sundre. We have the hidden gem of David Thompson country, which includes Clearwater County, the Municipal District of Bighorn, Caroline, Rocky Mountain House and Nordegg. Even further north, there is the Yellowhead County, the namesake for my riding. There is also Edson, Hinton, Jasper, Grand Cache and the parts of the Municipal District of Greenview. Last but not least, we have Mountain View County, Rocky View County, Carstairs and Crossfield, where I, along with my loving wife Bev, have raised my two incredible daughters on our farm near the hamlet of Madden.
Madden is home to my local Lions Club, where I have been a member for more than 20 years, and I want to congratulate its members on the great work they do. I have a long history in this area, since my family homesteaded near Crossfield in the 1880s.
Yellowhead is also located on Treaty 6, 7 and 8 lands and includes the indigenous peoples of the first nations of Bearspaw, Chiniki, Goodstoney, O'Chiese, Sunchild First Nation, as well as the people of the Métis nation of Alberta.
These communities in Yellowhead make Alberta and Canada such an incredible place to live, work and play. Every year, millions of people travel from around the world to come see the breathtaking nature Yellowhead has to offer. Our riding is an economic powerhouse, with businesses both big and small employing thousands in the agriculture, forestry, mining, energy and tourism sectors.
I would like to extend my heartfelt thanks to each person who helped me get elected, from those working behind the scenes on the campaign, to the volunteers who were at the doors putting up signs.
I want to thank Kalee, Linda, Sadiq, Leigh, Paul, Colleen, Roland, Ralph, Bruce, Jeff, Gordon, Glen, Dino, Judy, Barry, Angela, Patti, Barb, Peggy, Carole, Bob, Jim, Nancy, Rob, Curtis, Tony, Dale, Doug, Wally, Sue and so many more. Their hard work and dedication did not go unnoticed, and I deeply appreciate everything they did and continue to do.
Of course, I especially want to thank my family, my daughters Ashley and Emily, my parents Mary, Mike, Ross and Margaret, and my nephews. I thank them for their unwavering support. They are what truly fuels my dedication to this role. I could not have done it without them, and I am incredibly grateful for their patience and support.
I especially want to thank my wife Bev. We first met at a political event for my MLA Carol Haley in Crossfield, where Stockwell Day, then the provincial treasurer of Alberta, was our guest speaker. Since then, Bev has been by my side through everything for the past 26 years. I would not have made it here without her love and support. I thank her.
I also want to acknowledge my predecessors who represented the people of Yellowhead and the communities within Yellowhead's new boundaries. The Right Hon. Joe Clark was the first member of Parliament to serve for Yellowhead in 1979. He also served as prime minister. There have been many members since him who have served my riding with dedication and integrity, including Jim Eglinski, the Hon. Rob Merrifield, Gerald Soroka and Cliff Breitkreuz. I am also proud to be serving many of the communities that were previously represented by Louise Feltham, Earl Dreeschen and the late Myron Thompson.
I would be remiss not to mention my current colleagues who represented parts of the new Yellowhead riding in previous parliaments, including the member for and the member for . I look forward to working closely with them.
As a chartered professional accountant, I look forward to using my 26 years of public practice experience with personal and small business tax to help shape reforms to the tax system. We need to ensure that our nation's tax system works for everyday Canadians and not against them. As a proud Conservative, I stand for the principles that have long guided our party: free enterprise, individual liberty and the rule of law. I believe in a small government that serves the people, not one that grows at their expense. Canadians deserve low taxes, fiscal responsibility and the unwavering protection of their rights and freedoms, including property rights.
In Yellowhead, we understand the value of hard work. Our communities are built by farmers, ranchers, energy workers, outdoorsmen, forestry workers, small business owners and tourism operators. We understand what true stewardship of our natural resources means for responsible resources and conserving our beautiful lands and wildlife, yet too often rural voices are overlooked and policies are crafted without consideration for the impact on their way of life. This must change.
It is my priority to advocate for the rights of Alberta and provinces, develop the resources, oppose any regulations and taxes that would harm rural Canadians and support the agriculture sector, which is facing rising costs and federal overreach. I will advocate for our veterans to give them the respect and support they deserve after they have dedicated their lives to our country, and I will protect the rights of responsible firearms owners, hunters and sports shooters, by opposing the unrealistic overreach restrictions that have been imposed on them over the last decade.
As a responsible firearms owner, a sports shooter and a hunter, I would like to highlight the six shooting ranges in Yellowhead and how proud I am of their ongoing efforts to ensure that responsible firearms owners have a place to call their own. Firearms are part of our heritage. They help people like myself put food on the table, and they are the backbone of numerous international renowned sporting events.
I want to reassure the constituents of Yellowhead, as well as all Albertans and Canadians, that I will continue to defend the rights of firearms owners. I will work with groups such as the Canadian Coalition for Firearm Rights and the Canadian Shooting Sports Association to ensure these rights continue to be respected. Responsible firearms owners have faced unbelievable pressure and uncertainty under the Liberal government, which has continued, over the last lost decade, to impose outrageous restrictions that do nothing to improve public safety.
As I take my seat in the chamber, I do so with a clear purpose to put Canadians first, defend their values, build this country and ensure Yellowhead has a robust voice in shaping Canada's future to make our country the best place to live, work and raise a family.
God bless Yellowhead. God bless Alberta. God bless Canada.
:
Mr. Speaker, Bill is being presented to Canadians as a solution, a path toward affordability and relief in a time of real struggle, but when we peel back the layers, it becomes painfully clear that this bill is not a bold plan but a political strategy. It is a collection of half measures cobbled together from Conservative ideas, watered down and repackaged by a government that has spent the last 10 years creating the very problems it is now trying to solve.
Canadians are smart. They know when they are being sold a talking point instead of a real fix, and they know that these issues, the cost of living, the housing crisis, the damage done by the carbon tax, did not come out of nowhere. They were caused by the very people now claiming to fix them.
Let us look at what is really in Bill . Let us talk about the removal of the consumer carbon tax. The bill proves what Conservatives have been saying all along: The carbon tax is driving up the cost of living. The Liberals basically copied it straight out of the Conservative election platform, finally admitting what they spent years denying, that the carbon tax is hurting Canadians. It is making life more expensive, especially for the people who can least afford it.
They did not suddenly have a change of heart; they had a change in polling. Canadians were fed up, and in all honesty, it is Pierre Poilievre who made this a national fight. It was that pressure that forced the Liberals to act, not principle. Here is the problem, though. They did not scrap the tax; they just made the visible part disappear. That is it. They are removing the part that shows up on the receipt, hoping that if people cannot see it, they will not notice that it is still buried in the price of everything else. The reality is that the tax is still here. From the farmer growing the food to the truck delivering it and the shelf at the grocery store, every single step still gets hit, and Canadians still pay.
This is not relief; it is optics. It was an election year, and it is a gimmick dressed up as a policy. After years of punishing working Canadians, the Liberals now want credit for copying our plan while leaving the pain in place. How is that anything but a slap in the face?
There is a tax cut in Bill , which, unfortunately for Canadians, is all smoke and no fire. I have talked to a lot of families who are barely getting by, and now the Liberals want people to believe that this tax cut will fix things. Let us be honest. It is a weak copy of the Conservative tax cut we promised in our platform, and it does not even start until halfway through the year. That means the cut is only 0.5% in 2025. Most people will get about $420 back. That is not help; it is barely enough for a coffee a day.
Meanwhile, the Liberals are spending money like there is no tomorrow. They are handing out billions in consulting contracts, even though the Auditor General just exposed that many of these contracts cannot even prove value for money. Canadians are being squeezed at every turn, and the government keeps throwing cash at well-connected firms while offering working families crumbs.
In fact, when we add this all up, including the billions it plans to spend on fancy consultants, which will cost families around $1,400, Canadians will be losing ground, so while they are getting back $420, they are paying more than triple to fund Liberal waste. That is not a tax break; it is a bad joke. This tax cut is not about helping Canadians. The Liberals did not do this because it is good policy. They did it because they were losing support and hoping Canadians would not notice. Canadians actually know the real thing when they see it, and this is not it.
Now we come to the GST rebate. It sounds nice, but it helps almost no one. The Liberals say they are helping first-time homebuyers by giving them a new GST rebate, but the truth is that it will not help most people. According to the Parliamentary Budget Officer, this program will cost $1.9 billion over six years. That sounds like a lot, but only about 5% of new homes will actually qualify. That means more than nine out of 10 Canadians will not get any help at all.
Also, it is only for first-time homebuyers, so if a family is growing and they need a bigger place, too bad. If they have gone through a divorce and need to start fresh, sorry, they are not included. That is not fair. That is not real help.
Even for newcomers to Canada, if they are a Canadian citizen or a permanent resident and have not owned or lived in a home anywhere in the world in the last five years, they can qualify. If they are still waiting for their permanent residency, even if they have never owned a home, they are out of luck. Even for those who do qualify, this applies only to brand new homes, not resale homes and not older homes, which might have been more affordable for someone. People who are hoping to rent out a suite to help pay the mortgage do not qualify either.
This rebate is like offering a life jacket to a handful of people while the rest are left to tread water in a sea of rising prices and shrinking hope. I have talked to families in my riding who are doing everything right. They are working hard and saving what they can, but they still feel like home ownership is slipping further and further out of reach. This plan will not fix that. It barely even tries.
It is clear. The Liberals copied our homework, but they got the answers wrong. Canadians deserve better than this half-baked rebate. Canadians are exhausted. They are working harder than ever, and they are falling further behind. Instead of bold action, Bill gives them a series of half measures that copy Conservatives' ideas without the conviction or the follow-through: a carbon tax that is half removed, a tax cut that barely buys a daily coffee and a housing rebate that helps one in 20. This is not leadership. It is damage control. The government has spent 10 years creating a cost of living crisis, and now it wants credit for tossing out a few band-aids. Canadians do not want slogans. They want solutions, and Conservatives are the ones who will deliver.
:
Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the chance to speak to Bill . First of all, I want to make a couple of observations about the legislation we are seeing in this place under the new government.
I am distressed. It may be a manageable issue, and maybe I am the only one who is noticing that almost every bill that comes before us is in omnibus form; in other words, many different bills are addressed within the same bill. Some of the issues are connected one to the other, which makes it a legitimate omnibus bill, and some seem to be for the purpose of convenience, to save the government time. For instance, in Bill , the strong borders act, there are some aspects that do not really have to do with borders at all, and there is significant concern from people who are in the refugee law community, and from Amnesty International.
We are looking at Bill tonight, and I will give it more detail, but briefly, Bill should have been two different pieces of legislation. Part 1 deals with interprovincial barriers between labour mobility and recognizing different kinds of restrictions to moving goods. Part 2 is the building Canada act, which is entirely different. Part 1 has drawn attention from the Canadian Cancer Society, as it is concerned the bill may lead to a weakening of standards across the country. Meanwhile, part 2 needs massive study, appears, at least to me, to give unprecedented levels of unfettered political discretion to cabinet, and is unprecedented in its scope.
On Bill , before I go to the affordability section, let me just point to the anomalous inclusion of changes to the Canada Elections Act. The Canada Elections Act and privacy concerns for Canadian citizens under the Elections Act have no connection whatsoever to affordability. However, here we have it: part 4, Canada Elections Act amendments that are similar to what we saw in the previous Parliament in Bill , which I do wish had carried before we went into the last election, as it would have certainly expedited the collection of signatures for candidates and their chances of getting nominated candidates onto ballots.
This is weaker than that, but it does have some connection to what we saw in Bill in relating to restrictions on political parties' ability to save information and violate Canadians' privacy. It does not belong in an affordability act at all. We have heard at least one other MP tonight, the hon. member for , mention the issue that we want to protect personal information and that privacy laws should extend to political parties.
Unusually, in Bill , new subsection 446.4(1) would assert an ability for federal legislation to negate provincial privacy laws and what provincial privacy laws can say about federal political parties. That is questionable at best. It also, to me, is somewhat offensive, or very offensive I suppose, that clause 49 of part 4 of Bill deals with the date of coming into force.
Experienced members of this place who look at statutory interpretation, which we do, and I hope we all read the legislation and all bills carefully, know certainly that coming into force is usually a date in the future. A bill would pass through the House, pass through the Senate and then come into force, sometimes at a date that is certain. I have a pretty good memory. I may have forgotten that there was ever a bill like this one, but within my ability to remember everything I have ever read in legislation, I do not think I have ever seen a bill that purports to come into force 25 years before the date on which it is passed.
Members who are learning this for the first time, if they look at clause 49 of Bill , will find that the date on which the bill we are discussing today, June 11, 2025, would have come into force is May 31, 2000. This would exempt federal political parties from any offences they may have committed in failing to obey provincial legislation to which we were subjected, by going all the way back, resetting the clock, to May 31, 2000.
In this place, we like time travel; let us face it. We do like seeing the clock at midnight when it is not midnight, and we can do that in this place. We can say, “Gee, I wish it were midnight. I am ready to go home. Let us all agree we see the clock at midnight.”
I do not know whether anyone has ever tried a trick like seeing the year at 25 years ago. I am worried about this, and I do not know that we will have time, but I certainly hope we will properly study Bill in committee, and maybe we can persuade the government that part 4 should be pulled apart and studied separately from the rest of the bill.
The rest of the bill is tax measures. There is only part of the tax measures I would want to address at this point, and I am cognizant of the time. I know we are coming near a point where I should close to avoid being interrupted, but I do not mind interruptions, certainly for unanimous consent motions, because I think we are unanimous on that.
However, let us just say I am probably the only remaining member of Parliament who will stand up and say that the consumer carbon price was a good idea. It is a shame to see such cowardice on all sides of the House from the parties that used to support using market mechanisms, which is actually from the right-wing tool kit invented by Republicans in Washington, D.C., of how we can reduce emissions of whatever. Air pollutants in the area around Los Angeles is one of the first places market mechanisms were used.
Carbon pricing is being accepted by economists around the world as having a more efficient economic impact, reduced transactional costs of implementing the regulatory approach. Generally, people on the right do not like regulation. That is a choice: If we are going to reduce emissions of greenhouse gases, we could use a regulatory approach. We could use the Canadian Environmental Protection Act, part 4, which already exists, and put in place regulated, required hard caps on emissions of any pollutants, thus bringing them down sharply without having to use the more complex measures of pricing.
I would rather see the consumer carbon price used as what is called, in the literature, carbon fee and dividend, in other words, maintaining pollution taxation as revenue-neutral. A key feature in good, solid gold-standard carbon pricing is that the government should not live on pollution as a source of revenue to government. We want to make sure that whatever we take in on a carbon price is rebated as efficiently as possible to those who paid it.
To the idea that we do not want to have this, I just add again that according to the commissioner of the environment and sustainable development—