:
Mr. Speaker, I want to take this opportunity to thank the people of my riding, Beauport—Limoilou. I want to mention that I will be sharing my time with my colleague, the member for .
I am pleased to take part in today's debate and to reiterate the immediate priorities of our government to make life more affordable for all Canadians, including Quebeckers. The Canada carbon rebate was implemented to return the majority of direct proceeds from the federal fuel charge to residents of provinces where it applied. It did not apply in Quebec.
The emissions reduction plan contains a complete suite of mitigation measures, strategies and investments, including policies that complement carbon pricing. A price on pollution for major emitters will continue to be a pillar of Canada's plan to build a prosperous net-zero economy and make progress on climate objectives.
The government intends to refocus federal carbon pollution pricing standards on ensuring that carbon pricing systems are in place across the country on a broad range of greenhouse gas emissions from industry. It will reinforce Canada's approach to carbon pricing for industry to ensure its continued effectiveness.
The federal government intends to work with the provinces, including Quebec, the territories, indigenous peoples and stakeholders on changes to the minimum national stringency standards for carbon pollution pricing, known as the federal “benchmark” criteria.
The changes would ensure that industrial pricing systems continue to maximize emissions reductions and encourage the transition to low-carbon technology, while protecting industry against competitiveness and carbon leakage impacts. By improving its emissions performance, Canadian industry will become more efficient and maintain its competitive edge as Canada works to diversify its trade relationships and deepen its market access, particularly in jurisdictions that, like the European Union, increasingly value low-emissions goods. The goal of the benchmark criteria would continue to be that systems are similarly stringent, fair and effective.
The review will look at opportunities to strengthen industrial carbon markets to provide the necessary incentives for major industry-wide decarbonization projects, while creating jobs and spurring investments in the technologies that will shape the clean economies of tomorrow.
Thanks to the elimination of the federal fuel charge effective April 1, 2025, eligible Canadians received a final Canada carbon rebate payment on April 22. The government decided to make this final carbon rebate payment to eligible households in April since Canadian families in the provinces subject to the federal fuel charge, especially low-income families, were counting on the April rebate.
Last week, we introduced Bill , which would officially remove consumer carbon pricing from Canadian law once it is repealed. This bill would also reduce the cost of living so that Canadians, including Quebeckers, can keep more of their paycheques to spend on what matters most to them. It includes a middle-class tax cut effective July 1, tax relief for close to 22 million individuals in Canada and $840 in savings per year for two-income families. As we have also clearly stated, this cut will primarily benefit the hard-working Canadians who need it the most.
The bulk of the relief would go to people in the two lowest tax brackets, those earning less than $114,750 in 2025. Within this group of working Canadians, nearly half of the tax savings would go to those in the lowest tax bracket, those earning $57,375 or less in 2025. We can deliver these tax savings quickly to Canadians because, when our middle-class tax cut was announced, the Canada Revenue Agency updated its source deduction tables for the July to December 2025 period so that employers and payroll administrators can reduce tax withholdings starting July 1.
We will also eliminate the GST for first-time homebuyers on new homes up to $1 million, which will save them up to $50,000. We will cut the GST for first-time homebuyers on new homes between $1 million and $1.5 million. This will result in a significant increase in the already substantial federal tax support available to first-time homebuyers through programs such as the tax-free first home savings account, the home buyers' plan, the registered retirement savings plan and the first-time homebuyers' tax credit.
This will help more young people and families achieve their dream of home ownership. Thanks to these measures, we are making changes to lower taxes, we are lowering costs and we are putting more money in the pockets of Canadians and Quebeckers. Those are just some of the ways the government is making life more affordable. The government will also maintain the programs that are already helping families save thousands of dollars every year.
As His Majesty said in the Speech from the Throne, in all of our actions, the government will be guided by a new fiscal discipline: spend less so people can invest more. We will balance the government's operating budget over the next three years by cutting waste, capping the public service, ending duplication and deploying technology to improve public sector productivity. That is why we are committed to presenting the details of our plan in the fall in a comprehensive, effective, ambitious and prudent federal budget.
One of the key priorities that we have discussed and focused on since the start of our mandate is to improve the efficiency of government spending. We are looking for areas where we can cut costs and improve public service productivity.
Day-to-day government spending, that is, the government's operating budget, has been growing by 9% each year. The government will introduce measures to bring that growth below 2%. In parallel, the government will take a series of measures to catalyze new investment to create better jobs and higher incomes for Canadians.
As we have already mentioned, the government's overarching goal and core mission is to build the strongest economy in the G7. That starts with creating one Canadian economy out of 13. Internal barriers to trade and labour mobility cost Canadians as much as $200 billion each year. That is why we have introduced legislation to remove all remaining federal barriers to internal trade and labour mobility.
Our government is working hard right now to meet Canadians' needs, and that includes making life more affordable across the country, including in Quebec, so that Canadians can keep more of their hard-earned paycheques.
:
Mr. Speaker, in addition to greeting you, I would like to take this opportunity to say that I will be sharing my time with the member for .
I listened to the previous member give a speech that was completely off topic for all 10 minutes. I was wondering how to start. I went to the dictionary and looked up the word “cheat”. That is a strong word. It is important to define it. It is defined as to “gain an advantage over or deprive of something by using unfair or deceitful methods; defraud”, or to “deprive someone of something to which they are entitled”. A government that decides not to pay what it owes to Quebeckers is cheating them. For regular people, that is in the Criminal Code. That is what the Liberals are about to do, based on what we understand from their remarks today. The federal government has cheated people more than once, according to the definition I have here. It is a habit. It is crazy that we are here in the House saying that Quebeckers are being cheated by the federal government and almost finding it normal.
When the 1998 ice storm happened, I did not even have the right to vote. The federal government still owes Quebec some $484 million, as well as $500 million for social assistance for people who entered at Roxham. These are unpaid cheques. Anyone who does not pay their credit card bill gets cut off, but not the federal government. There is no aerospace policy, even though the auto sector quickly received $4 billion as soon as something happened. The Trans Mountain pipeline for western Canada is over $30 billion. Not even 22% of military contracts go to Quebec, even though we have the aerospace industry and the icebreaker expertise at the Davie shipyard. In the bilateral health agreements, Quebec does not even have the money from its own taxes to pay for diabetes medication because the federal government thinks it is more important to meddle in other people's affairs than to help normal, sick people. This time, Quebeckers are being cheated of $814 million. The member for said earlier that this represents more than $10 million per riding. I do not know if the member for realizes that the federal government is about to steal $10 million from people who just voted for her.
How did this all get started? Paul Journet, a well known and respected editorial writer at La Presse, summed it up well last week. He said that initially there was a deal in Canada. The federal government said: I will buy Trans Mountain, I will take care of this pipeline that no one wants and in which no one wants to invest—like most pipeline projects actually—and in exchange the provinces will commit to pricing pollution. Some provinces did not do that. In some cases, it already existed. Ontario took one step forward, one step back. Finally, the federal government had to fill in the gaps and come up with its own program. What happened next? The money came. At great expense to public funds, Quebeckers paid for the pipeline. We are talking about $32 billion, $33 billion or $34 billion in public funds. It is an absolute boondoggle. What happened? The Conservatives, who were heavily criticized for months and years by the Liberals, demonized that tax. A new Prime Minister arrives and says: I want to win an election and the only thing that matters to me are the polls. The guy wrote a book called Values. He comes to power and might call his biography Polls. That is what happened. The Liberals decided to buy an election. They eliminated the tax.
As we have said before and we will say again, the law was clear. The Department of Finance documents clearly state that payments made in April defer the fuel charge proceeds from April to June. They indicate that the cheque is always paid prior to the collection period. The people who wrote the documents are the same people in the Prime Minister's Office who wrote the speeches we just heard today. It is the same staff. The same team that wrote that in the legislation, in the Department of Finance documents, wrote the absurd speeches we heard from the member for and the member for . We could list a bunch of ridings where people are being told to say that. It clearly says “prior to the collection period”. They are telling us that Quebeckers did not pay the carbon tax, that they have their own system and that is why they are not getting a cheque. What do these people not understand? When the cheque was sent on April 1, each of the eight provinces where people received cheques had their own systems. There is no longer any system.
The government sent cheques to people in provinces that no longer had a system. The federal government issued those cheques anyway, using funds from its consolidated revenue fund. That is what it did.
That is why the Quebec National Assembly has spoken out on the issue. Quebeckers and British Columbians are being treated unfairly.
This is not the first time votes have been bought using that program. The first time was in 2023. Members will recall that the Liberals were at the very bottom of the polls. What did they decide to do? They decided to stop charging the carbon tax on home heating oil, which is used primarily in the Atlantic provinces. One might think that they would have reduced the amounts paid out in those provinces accordingly. If the carbon tax is lower, the amount of the cheques should also be lower. Well, I will end the suspense. They doubled a portion of the cheque. They lowered the tax, but they increased the amount of the cheque. They bought votes. On top of that, they took money from Quebeckers to subsidize half of these people's heat pumps. They buy votes. That is what they do.
I would like someone to explain to me why a vote for a Liberal, bought with public funds, is worth more in the Atlantic provinces than in Ontario, and why a vote in Quebec is worth nothing. It is because these people take Quebeckers for granted. That is exactly what is happening.
What the Liberals are telling us is that Quebeckers have their own system and that they needed to budget. The Liberals' argument to justify their opposition to our motion, even though such opposition is impossible to justify, is like a Pokémon: It evolves, but it does not get any prettier.
In 2023, when the Liberals bought votes in Atlantic Canada, the then minister of environment and climate change, who is now the , said there would be no more carve-outs. Today, there is no more program, full stop, and yet we have not even changed governments.
Now the new has come along and is trying to justify himself. During the election campaign, the Liberals realized that they had handed out cheques at Quebeckers' expense. That is what we told the Prime Minister during the leaders' debate. The Prime Minister was unable to respond.
The Liberals then went to work to refine their arguments. Liberals can think hard when they put their minds to it. That is an important prerequisite.
As we will see, the argument has changed. The day after the leaders' debate, the then said on LCN in Quebec that Quebeckers were paying less per tonne of CO2 in their own system and therefore were not entitled to the cheques. Of course, an environment minister is not supposed to understand what a cap is. It is normal that he does not understand what it is. However, on April 1, the Liberals said that in eight provinces, even if they paid 0¢ per tonne of CO2, people were entitled to cheques.
I taught logic and mathematics at university. Here, we are not even at public policy and critical thinking 101.
Now, the government is telling us that people need to be able to budget, which is why it gave them those cheques. It says that it lowered the price of gas, but this is so hard on people that they need a cheque. The member for told us that this morning. He is the Liberals' St. Jude, the patron saint of lost causes. If the church did not already have a patron saint of lost causes, he would be canonized. When he rises, it is because all hope is lost. The premise of the argument is that, since the price of gas has dropped, people need compensation. This is what it has come to. What is the point of debating here when that is the premise?
No one even realizes how outrageous it is anymore. Here we are, talking about a robbery, about things written down in black and white by the Prime Minister's Office, yet it has somehow become banal. Parliament may pass the motion, but the Liberals could not care less. They are not going to respect the will of Parliament.
However, when delivery companies like DoorDash charge too much or give bad service, the Competition Bureau gets on their case, takes them to court, conducts a special investigation and demands refunds.
What we are discussing here is a veritable scandal. I urge the government to reconsider. It cannot be said often enough: Quebeckers are being cheated.
Under the circumstances, I am asking for the unanimous consent of the House to table, in both official languages, the dictionary definition of cheat. My colleagues will then see that the current situation fits that definition perfectly.
:
Mr. Speaker, in the early 1980s, René Lévesque, a man I greatly respect and who inspired Quebec and Quebec society as a whole, said that Canada is not a gulag. Once that was said, a number of federalists began to ask why people still wanted to separate from Canada. Why would Quebec want to become a full-fledged sovereign country if, in the end, Canada is not a gulag? Perhaps we should read the second part of his statement, where he said that the federal government is a haphazard system that, all too often, hinders our development. The situation we find ourselves in today, the decision that the of Canada made when he took office on March 14, fully justifies that statement that Canada's federal system is a haphazard system.
In Quebec, our problem is that we are a people governed by another people. It is a Canadian people managed by a Canadian government for which the Quebec people are a negligible part. They can do whatever they want with Quebeckers' money, as they can with the rest of Canada's money. As always, Quebec will have to suck it up.
That is what we are seeing right now. The government came along and said that there would be no more carbon tax. On April 1, it was cancelled, but on April 22, money was still sent out. I cannot say that the money was returned, since it was never collected. Anyway, the government sent money to the people of eight provinces to compensate them for what they would have had to pay if the carbon tax were still in effect. That is some warped logic.
If it were coming from someone who did not know how to count, it might be understandable, but it is coming from a who was a banker before becoming Prime Minister, who ran the central banks of major countries, including the Bank of England and the Bank of Canada. It is hard to believe that he is gullible, naive or clumsy. This man is clearly competent at managing public finances. Under the circumstances, if he is competent, how should we interpret this move?
He is not taking money from tax revenues, because he did not collect any in April, May or June. He is taking money from all Quebeckers and Canadians. He is taking a portion of that money and returning it to citizens in only eight provinces. My colleague from spoke earlier about cheating. If that is not cheating Quebeckers, I would like someone to explain to me what is. I do not understand how the government can take $800 million out of Quebeckers' pockets to compensate the people of eight provinces. The reason given, as our colleague from explained to us earlier, is that it was planned that way.
Does this mean that if we in Quebec start planning for the federal government to be fair to us and give us back our share, it will give us that money? Can we expect the Prime Minister to say over the summer that since Quebec had planned to receive $800 million, he will make sure we get the $800 million?
That logic does not hold water, not even in a kindergarten classroom. No one would dare make those kinds of arguments. It is flawed logic. It makes no sense. I find it hard to understand how a government that governs Canada, a government led by a Prime Minister who is competent in public finances, can try or think that it is going to make us swallow this bitter pill. It makes no sense. Not only is it unfair, but it is illegal. Actually, it may be legal, because a certain number of things can be done by decree, but it is immoral.
In Quebec, we are bothered by immorality. We have had commissions of inquiry into situations that were deemed immoral. Here, we are faced with another immoral situation. Our money is being taken from us and given to others under the pretext that these people were counting on it. Give me a break.
Today, I have heard colleagues on the government side repeatedly say that Quebeckers did not want to join the carbon tax and that is too bad for them.
Funny enough, I did not see it that way. I think that the carbon exchange is an effective system, but Canadians, except those in British Columbia, decided not to join it.
How can anyone say that we did not sign onto the tax, when the tax was imposed because the others did not join the carbon exchange? That logic is flawed. We each have our own pricing system because, in Quebec, we think that the carbon exchange is the most effective system. That is the system we adopted. We joined it, as did British Columbia and certain U.S. states.
Still today, in June, Quebeckers are engaged in decarbonization. Through the carbon exchange, companies that emit carbon buy quotas and pay a levy. It will come as no surprise that Esso and Petro-Canada did not become charitable organizations that felt like making everyone happy. These are companies that want to make profits, which is normal. If the manager of a company of that scope fails to ensure that the company makes a profit, it would not take long for the shareholders to give them the boot.
These companies are out to make a profit. They buy quotas on a carbon exchange and, in so doing, end up paying a carbon tax directly. Once again, since they are not charitable organizations, they pass the bill on to their customers, the oil distributors, who in turn pass it on to Quebeckers who fill up their gas tanks every day. People with electric cars help with decarbonization and do not pay that form of tax or fee because they do not buy gasoline, but that is another debate.
Quebeckers are bearing the cost of decarbonization, while citizens of the eight compensated provinces have not had to bear it since April 1. Where am I going with this? It makes no sense. Not only are these other provinces not paying up—so the government does not owe them anything—but on top of that, Quebeckers, who do pay, are giving money to those who have not paid the tax since April 1, money that they could have spent themselves had the Prime Minister not decided to abolish the carbon tax on April 1.
I do not know how to explain it. If anyone in the House has a logical explanation, I would like to hear it. The explanation given by the member for is that the government sent out the cheques because people were expecting them. I am sorry, but with all due respect to those people, because there are people that I really like in those provinces, I am not willing to hand out cheques to them.
The only rational explanation that I can think of is what my colleague from said just now, which is that it was to buy votes. The Liberals figured they were probably not going to win the election in Quebec and were prepared to let it collapse and continue paying. However, in the eight provinces where the Liberals had a chance of winning, they could hurt the Conservatives, beat them and win the election. That was the gamble taken by the of Canada.
This was about pleasing everyone by scrapping the carbon tax, because that is what people liked about the Conservative leader. It was as though the Prime Minister was telling them that he agreed with them, that he would scrap the tax himself and that he would do even better than Pierre Poilievre. Although Poilievre wanted to axe the carbon tax, he did not want to send out the money, because that would not have been logical. However, the Prime Minister went against all logic. He scrapped the tax just like the Conservatives had promised, but he also issued the cheques that people would have received had the tax not been scrapped.
I do not know what to call it. My colleague from Mirabel referred to it as cheating. It is starting to look a lot like that, based on the definition he read to us earlier. Buying an election with Quebec's money by giving that money to the western provinces makes no sense, is immoral, and is very disappointing coming from someone in whom Canadian voters had placed a lot of faith by giving him power in the April 28 election.
That said, I have an amendment to move to our motion. I move, seconded by the member for Mirabel:
That the motion be amended by adding:
(a) after the words “including those from Quebec” the words “and from British Columbia”;
(b) after the words “to pay Quebec” the words “and British Columbia”; and
(c) the following “for Quebec and $513 million for British Columbia”.
:
Mr. Speaker, congratulations on your appointment to the role of Deputy Speaker of the House. I will be sharing my time with the member for .
I am very proud to be in the House with this new member because there are now 44 of us members from Quebec on the Liberal side. With the 11 members from Quebec on the Conservative side, there are 55 members who are able to be both proud Quebeckers and proud Canadians and to build this country together with our counterparts across the country.
Regarding the Bloc Québécois motion, we can see that there is an inconsistency that could have been fixed simply by adopting the Conservative Party's amendment, which the Bloc Québécois initially rejected but is now putting forward itself. Let me explain.
[English]
The original plan to pay the carbon rebate in the month of April to all Canadians in the eight provinces who were already receiving the carbon rebate makes logical, coherent sense. The rebate had historically gone only to those provinces that were subject to the federal backstop on the carbon pricing. Quebec, British Columbia and the Northwest Territories had their own systems and were excluded. That was the choice of Quebec, the Northwest Territories and British Columbia, to be exempt from the federal system by putting their own system in place.
That also allowed those provinces to decide where the monies went that came in from the revenues generated by their own carbon pricing system. They went to provincial programs in Quebec and British Columbia. That allowed the province the flexibility to choose where the money went. The federal government chose, in those provinces that were not part of the federal system, to give the monies back through a consumer pricing model. That was what happened in the month of April.
Earlier today, the Conservative Party looked at the motion and said that it is not coherent, because British Columbia was also not part of the federal system.
[Translation]
However, the Bloc Québécois's original motion only called for the money to be returned to Quebec, leaving out British Columbia, and the Bloc Québécois rejected the Conservative Party's amendment. For the sake of consistency, the Bloc Québécois ended up adding its own amendment to say that British Columbia should also get a rebate.
[English]
That is not the perspective that the Bloc normally brings to the House. Bloc members are looking at it only from the perspective of what more or what less they can get for one province. That is not the way the federal system works. In the federal system, there are equalization payments paid to provinces. Quebec is the biggest federal beneficiary of equalization payments.
An hon. member: From Alberta.
Anthony Housefather: Mr. Speaker, they come from Alberta and other provinces; that is correct. When we look at federal programs, we see that federal programs' monies do not always flow equally to every single province. They flow directly to different things in different programs.
We would imagine, in the end, that the country is made better as a whole by all the programs we have. The idea that we would take each and every program and allot the amount equally by province would, in the end, actually hurt Quebec. It would, in the end, actually take monies away from Quebec, not give monies to Quebec.
I do not understand the logic of the Bloc Québécois, which is insisting that, in this one particular case, we have to allot all of the monies equally by province, when that is not the opinion of the Bloc Québécois when it comes to many, many other programs.
[Translation]
I also find it a bit odd that the Bloc Québécois thinks it is wrong that Quebec decided to have its own program. We respect Quebec's autonomy. Quebec has its own program and British Columbia has its own program. The rest of the country had a different program. I would have thought that the Bloc Québécois would be very happy that flexible federalism allows Quebec to have its own program. Saying that the model used by the other provinces should also apply to Quebec, when Quebec has its own model, is completely contradictory to the general position of the Bloc Québécois, which wants absolute autonomy for Quebec.
[English]
I am happy that the new government removed the carbon tax as one of its first acts, the federal backstop, leaving the flexibility for each province to handle that the way it wants to handle it. That does not mean we are not going to invest in the economy. It does not mean we are not going to invest in clean technology. It does not mean we are not investing in the environment. However, there also has to be a general consensus on what happens.
I am also very pleased that the government, at the same time, announced the removal of the capital gains inclusion rate changes, which I had not agreed with. I think that was a very good step.
I think all the steps the government has taken by lowering income taxes on Canadians, building one national economy where free trade applies across the country within federal jurisdiction and asking the provinces to do the same, allowing for big national projects to be built, and allowing our energy and resources to go to market are bringing the government to the centre, which I think most Canadians want.
[Translation]
I think there is a willingness to work with the other political parties joining us in the centre to govern the country and make Canada's economy the best in the G7. We now have a real opportunity to do things differently than in the last Parliament, when we were always fighting and squabbling.
[English]
We can work together to build a stronger Canada, a Canada where Alberta oil can make it to market and can get to tidewater. We can have a Canada where big national projects get built in a fast time frame. We can have a Canada that respects provincial autonomy but understands that there are big national projects and national goals to fulfill. We can have a Canada where we all understand that in a changing world, where we are faced with a lot of challenges, we have to work together as a country. Whether we are Conservatives, Liberals, Bloc members or New Democrats, we have to work together as a country.
If I come back to the Bloc motion, it did not look at things, at least originally, from the perspective of the country. It looked at things from the perspective of one province only, even though other provinces and one territory were not part of the initial system. Nobody even considered them when it came to the motion. That is not how we should be looking at things. There has to be some logical coherence.
[Translation]
For my first speech in this Parliament, I am pleased to reach out to my opposition colleagues and tell them that I look forward to working with them on all our country's major issues and on various matters. We are here to stand together and build a better Canada.
:
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to respond to the motion put forward by the Bloc Québécois, which raises concerns about the carbon rebate that was paid out in April 2025. Let us start with the facts.
First, the April 2025 rebate was not a surprise announcement, contrary to what some might suggest. It was not a one-time election initiative, but the continuation, and also the conclusion, of a federal policy that was well established and that we have heard a lot about in the House. The carbon rebate was put in place to return federal fuel charge proceeds directly to households in the territories and provinces where the tax applied. The structure has always been the same: Revenues collected in one province or territory were returned to that same province or territory.
When the federal fuel charge was removed, on April 1, 2025, our government chose to make a final payment. Canadians who had paid the tax until that point were counting on that rebate. This payment was a matter of good governance. The federal government honoured its commitment. Household financial management requires predictability, so that is what a responsible government provides.
More than 10 years ago, Quebec made the decision to implement its own carbon pricing system under a cap-and-trade system, which is designed and managed entirely by the Government of Quebec. Quebec collects its own revenue and reinvests it according to its own priorities. This system, which Quebec linked with California's system through the Western Climate Initiative, has been recognized internationally as a credible and ambitious model. Thanks to this success, Quebec has never been subject to the federal fuel tax and, as a result, Quebeckers have never received the Canada carbon rebate, nor have people in British Columbia or the Northwest Territories.
It is not an exclusion. It is the result of a respectful division of powers within our federation. Quebec exercised its right to manage climate policy under its jurisdiction, and our government fully accepted and supported Quebeckers' choice. To now suggest that Quebec should be compensated for a program that it did not participate in undermines the very autonomy that the Bloc Québécois is trying to protect.
The Bloc Québécois motion evokes a province that has been abandoned, but nothing could be further from the truth. Across the country, the federal government tailors its investments to each province's unique needs and systems. This is not only appropriate, it is essential, as my colleague from demonstrated. Some agreements are asymmetrical. I will elaborate on that with a few examples of programs that are not the same across Canada.
In Alberta, the federal government helps cover the cost of decommissioning orphan wells. British Columbia has received funding for wildfire adaptation and the clean energy transition. Ontario has seen significant investments in electric vehicle and battery production. Quebec, for its part, has received billions of dollars in federal investments, not via the carbon tax rebate, but via direct support for clean innovation, electrification, manufacturing and public infrastructure. These investments are tailored to the needs of the provinces and recognize Quebec's leadership on climate and economic planning.
If we want to have an honest debate about fairness, we need to start by defining what fairness really means in a federation. Fairness does not mean treating all jurisdictions the same, regardless of context. It means recognizing that there are differences within the federation, respecting the choices of different provinces and territories, and ensuring that outcomes reflect decisions.
Quebec has chosen to keep its carbon revenues. It has chosen to manage its own system, and it is doing so very well. In a country like Canada, fairness means proportionality and consistency. It does not mean rewriting history to provide equivalent payments for different contributions. The rebates in question were paid to those who bore the cost of the federal carbon tax and to them alone. This is not special treatment; it is integrity in public policy.
Canadians across the country want governments that respect their decisions, honour their commitments and get results. The Bloc Québécois motion fails on all these counts. It disregards Quebec's autonomy, it misrepresents how the federal system works, and it sows confusion where there should be clarity.
Our government remains committed to working with Quebec and all provinces to fight climate change, grow our economy, and uphold the principles of federalism. We will continue to develop a strategic framework that rewards integrity, consistency and leadership. The debate should not be about who gets what cheque, but instead about how we support all Canadians in all the provinces in a way that reflects their choices, respects their institutions, and prepares us for tomorrow's challenges.
Canadians and Quebeckers do not want squabbling between different levels of government, especially at this time. They want progress, a partnership and serious, results-oriented leadership rooted in principles that respect their decisions.
That is fairness, that is federalism, and that is the way forward.
:
Mr. Speaker, I want to inform you that I am sharing my time with the member for .
I have been listening to my Liberal colleagues respond to our motion since early this morning. I will not repeat what has already been said. We know where that $800 million comes from. All my colleagues made themselves hoarse trying to make the government understand that it gave out rebates for a tax that was not collected. The government turned a deaf ear. I will not repeat what has already been said. I think there is too much repetition.
However, I am struck by something and I must come back to the role of an MP. What is an MP's role? In my opinion, it is to represent the interests of our constituents. I represent the interests of the people of Jonquière and the people of Saguenay—Lac‑Saint‑Jean and the people of Quebec. It is my duty. I cannot understand, then, seeing Quebec MPs rising and speaking against the interests of Quebeckers and acting in a way that deprives the people of Quebec of $800 million. I cannot understand that. I do not know how my Liberal colleagues can do that.
My Liberal colleague pointed out earlier that there are many government members from Quebec who are proud Quebeckers. There is something that sticks out for me. I often get the impression that Quebec members are too closely following the slogan that emerged during the election campaign: “Canada first”. The Conservatives said it. The Liberals also used it during the election campaign. Unfortunately, when a thorny issue arises that affects Quebec, my Liberal colleagues are completely silent. I believe that when they do that, they are not acting like a member of Parliament who represents their constituents, but instead like a lackey, a hack, someone who is subservient and unable to defend the principles that should guide their political action.
We saw this at a defining moment. We saw Quebec members rise up in the 1990s because Quebec had been told no by the federal government, and that created the Bloc Québécois. Once they get tired of being let down by the federal government, perhaps those on the Liberal side and on the Conservative side will rise up. Mysteriously, we saw earlier that even among the Conservatives, there are those trampling a bit on Quebec's autonomy. The requested amendment tabled by the Conservatives basically said that all the Quebec government had to do was to end its carbon exchange and then it could receive a rebate, like the others. This is quite surprising. It is the federal government telling Quebec how to act. It is that tired old idea that Ottawa knows best.
That gets me thinking. Why not unpack the many injustices and inequities the federal government has perpetrated on Quebec? Why not, since that is what happened? The federal government robbed Quebec of $800 million. Let me paint a picture before I get to the inequities. In March, Santé Québec cut $800 million. I bring this up not because I want to get into a debate that belongs in the Quebec National Assembly, but because I want to demonstrate the potential consequences. Consider the Government of Quebec's infrastructure plan for social and community housing from 2024 to 2034. It includes 26 projects worth roughly $928 million. The federal government shortchanged us and, as a result, key services in Quebec, such as social housing and health care, will pay the price.
Let us turn to the federal government's historical injustices and inequities. Without a doubt, one of the most glaring inequities is the fiscal imbalance. My colleagues know how this works. Virtually all public services provided to citizens of Quebec are provided by the Government of Quebec. That includes health care and education. Most services are provided by the Government of Quebec, but the federal government occupies 60% of the tax field. For the federal government, the logic is straightforward: it takes in lots of revenue, but has few expenses. Its fiscal situation is much better than that of the provinces, which means that the federation operates using a transfer system, such as the health transfers we all know and love. While we are at it, we could discuss the Liberals' thinking in 1995 and 1996, around the time of the referendum.
I am talking about Paul Martin and the fiscal imbalance, one of the worst injustices ever seen. Mr. Martin repeatedly cut approximately $2 billion in transfer payments, which completely disrupted Quebec's health care system. We are used to seeing this from the federal government and seeing Quebec's elected officials accept the unacceptable and act like lackeys. That brings me to today. The Quebec government's share of health care funding is about 45% of its budget, which is just crazy.
I want to take a closer look at this. Many analysts were quick to say that the Quebec government's austerity measures were the result of the federal government's total withdrawal from transfer payments. That is what fiscal imbalance does. That is the historical injustice and inequity that is repeating itself. Here is another example today with the controversial $800 million.
There is this injustice of the fiscal imbalance, but there is also a flagrant structural injustice, which we are seeing again today. Two sectors of the Canadian economy are top of mind: the automotive sector and the oil and gas sector. In the past, the federal government has always been there when it came to making meaningful investments to support the automotive and oil and gas sectors.
In the tariff crisis, I see something similar to what happened in 2008, which members probably remember. At the time, the federal government invested $8 billion in the automotive sector to help it get through the crisis. Of the $8 billion that was used to directly support the auto industry, about $1.6 billion went to Quebec. At the same time, in 2008, there was also an unprecedented crisis in Quebec's forestry sector. However, we never saw the federal government pay attention to and help the forestry sector.
In 2025, we are seeing the same pattern. There is a tariff crisis. What did the Liberal government do during the election campaign? It interrupted its campaign. It did so because the crisis affected the auto sector. It quickly wrote cheques totalling $4 billion. It is the same as in 2008. However, what did the federal government do when a 50% tariff was imposed on aluminum? What has the federal government done while the forestry industry has been struggling under tariffs since 2017? Absolutely nothing. It is a double standard.
In the oil and gas sector, it is even more egregious. Between 1970 and 2015, to ensure the oil sands turned a profit, it is believed the federal government invested approximately $70 billion. However, the government made absolutely no meaningful investments over a similar period to support industries in Quebec. Worse still, if we look at the current period, the government purchased a $34‑billion pipeline that Quebeckers will never use. There are tax breaks totalling as much as $82 billion if we use the 2024-35 time frame in the most recent budgets. All of that has gone to support the fat cats in the oil and gas sector, who made record profits of $200 billion in 2022.
When I look at that, I tell myself in all sincerity that it is quite simple: the Liberals and the Conservatives always do the same thing. Before the election campaign, the Conservatives pushed the narrative that the cost of living would go up if we did not axe the carbon tax, and that people would suffer as a result. The Liberals used the tariff crisis to end the carbon tax, saying they had to take action and do something. Only Quebec maintained carbon pricing. Only Quebec will be competitive if Canada wants to trade with Europe, because that will inevitably require putting a price on carbon.
Then, to add insult to injury, Quebeckers were forced to pay $800 million to all Canadians and got nothing for themselves.
:
Mr. Speaker, the jig is up. Ottawa's mask has fallen to reveal the true face of injustice. While Quebec has been faithfully keeping its commitments and fighting the scourge of climate change for years, Canadian power, blinded by its political interests, has betrayed the most basic principles of fairness.
On April 22, in a move unworthy of a just country, the Canadian government issued a colossal $3.7 billion in fake cheques labelled “carbon rebate” to people in provinces that year after year had refused to step up and do their part in what could be considered the fight to secure the future of this planet.
Meanwhile, we, the people of Quebec, have been exemplary and courageous; we have our faults and our qualities, but I think those are arguably qualities we share. Since 2013, we have led the way with our own carbon market, but we have gotten nothing in return—not one penny. Worse yet, we are being fleeced to pay for others who are dragging their feet when it comes to the environment. Is that Canadian justice? Is that how Canada rewards people for putting in an effort?
This is not a simple oversight. It is a cold and calculated betrayal. It is an affront to the people of Quebec, their virtue and their intelligence.
Who is going to pay for this joke? The people of Quebec, that is who. Our nation is providing $814 million to support a Canadian lie.
In 2025, while Quebeckers have shown themselves to be, as always, valiant and fair-minded, Ottawa, with a gimmick that is unworthy of founding principles and equal rights between peoples, has the nerve to perpetrate an unprecedented spoliation.
Between April 22 and April 28, just a few days before the general election, the federal government undertook an electoral strategy designed to pay out an astronomical sum in the form of cheques to people in the other provinces. Amounts ranging from $220 to $456 per person were sent out without a penny of carbon tax being collected during the period in question.
What about Quebec? Quebec was excluded and punished for being a forward-thinking nation. Why is that? We were punished because, over a decade ago, we chose to be responsible and we set up our own carbon market. We rejected inaction and neglect. Ottawa is now using that very virtue as an excuse to extort money from us.
Although Quebec did not receive any cheques, it did contribute money for that federal expense. This bears repeating: Quebec provided funds to enable that federal expenditure. It paid $814 million. Our taxes, our sweat, have been used to fund cheques sent to citizens of other provinces, without the slightest acknowledgement or compensation.
When the National Assembly of Quebec, the legitimate legislature of Quebeckers, spoke with one voice, across party lines, to demand redress for this injustice, what was the response? It was met with bureaucratic acrobatics. The stated that Quebec had chosen a different system. We have heard that as recently as today. To this, we say: Is it a mistake to act responsibility? Is it a crime to have foresight? The answer is no.
This is not a question of choice; it is a question of respect and justice. Ottawa stubbornly refuses to show us that respect.
The Bloc Québécois is not asking for anything extravagant in its motion. It is only asking for minimal redress for a proven, recognized and demonstrated prejudice; a simple return of what was taken from us; a simple acknowledgment that Quebec is not a fiscal cash cow here to satisfy Ottawa's electoral whims.
This injustice, however, is only a symptom. Of course, as long as Quebec is tied to a state that decides unilaterally, that distributes resources according to its partisan interests, that excludes Quebec when it suits it and taxes us when it needs to, we will be condemned to suffer.
We demand, with the quiet strength of people who are in the right, that Quebec be compensated without delay for the entirety of its stolen contribution.
The of Canada, the leader of a morally bankrupt Liberal government, not only has betrayed the principles of his own party, but worse, he has betrayed science, the future, and the trust of the people. He gave in.
Still, he and his ministers have claimed for years, with numbers to back them up, that carbon pricing was not a burden, but a fair redistribution policy that benefited the middle class and protected the most vulnerable. We have all heard these arguments from the other side of the House, with facts and evidence. He told us that the Parliamentary Budget Officer had said so and attested that eight out of 10 Canadians received more than they paid. We have all heard that.
Then suddenly, just today during question period, we heard the Prime Minister say that he was proud to have abolished the carbon tax. Wow. Under that system, Quebec was excluded, as usual. Quebec was excluded even though we paid, excluded even though we were exemplary, excluded because we are different. The reason, we are told, is that Quebec has its own system, a system that works. Because it works so well, because of that virtue, Quebec is being punished, to the tune of $814 million, which was taken out of the pockets of families, seniors and workers.
We might say that this exclusion is probably just one facet of an even greater betrayal. What is the point of all this? It is to satisfy the oil barons, a fossil monarchy that dictates the laws to Canadian Parliament and to whom the Liberals have become obedient servants. They confuse the private interests of the oil sands with the national interest of Canada. We are currently going through an unprecedented centralization phase. That is the table Ottawa is setting behind the smokescreen, inside the Trojan horse that is “one economy, not 13”. That is what they are inviting us to once again, despite the unanimous opposition of the National Assembly.
Quebec does not want a bitumen future. Quebec wants a future with clean air, justice, progress. If Canada refuses that path, we will carve it out alone. We have no problem with that.
The Bloc Québécois motion is just a first step, a modest requirement. It is about giving us back what was taken from us. Behind this motion, there is a bigger idea: we will no longer put up with being disrespected like this, ignored, pillaged. Quebec is not to be a forgotten province. We are an awakened nation.
Today, we are calling for justice, on this issue and many others.
:
Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank my colleagues who have been waiting for my impassioned speech. I will begin by saying that I will be sharing my time with the member for .
We are talking about carbon pricing and the Bloc Québécois motion. I would like to begin by saying that what has been eliminated is carbon pricing at the consumer level. One might wonder why this was done. I think that it was the right thing to do and that it was good policy. Even though it was offset by individual rebates, consumer pricing was rather poorly received by the public. It also resulted in a lot of widely circulated disinformation. This unfortunately helped create a great deal of mistrust toward the government's policy and its use, to the point where we realized that it would be more constructive to scrap carbon pricing for consumers but maintain the industrial carbon tax. I think it is extremely important to maintain it, and that is what we intend to do.
My Bloc Québécois colleagues have rightly pointed out that this could hinder Canadian exports. In the current climate of a trade war with the United States, a partner that we thought was very reliable but is no longer, we need to look for new markets. We need to be able to diversify our trade opportunities. If we export manufactured goods to Europe, for example, we could be penalized if we do not have a carbon tax for the industrial sector.
The planet is moving forward. Carbon pricing is an effective way to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, because we still need to reduce those emissions. I am always surprised when Conservatives, people who generally believe in market mechanisms to change behaviour, suddenly think that a market mechanism that has an effect on prices is no longer good when it comes to carbon emissions. I am surprised by that. We can bring together the most conservative economists on the planet, and they will all say that a pricing mechanism is the most effective way to change behaviour. That surprises me a bit.
We are therefore going to keep carbon pricing on the industrial side, because I think it is useful, especially at this time. The global economy is changing. It is becoming less carbon intensive.
I would like to raise another point before returning to the main thrust of the Bloc Québécois motion. It has also been mentioned today and in recent weeks, if not before, that the carbon tax has caused inflation in Canada. No, that is not how it works.
Let us talk about inflation. Perhaps our colleagues have heard about the pandemic and how it completely disrupted mechanisms, supply chains and international trade? Every OECD country and every developed country had to quickly and abruptly shut down its economy in 2020, then gradually reopen it. Then, in 2021‑22, as we were gradually reopening the economy after the pandemic emergency passed, we realized that the pandemic-induced supply chain disruption resulted in very high demand. Unfortunately, supply could not keep up, which threw the whole system out of whack. That is what triggered inflation in Canada, the United States, Europe, Japan, Mexico and everywhere else. It was not Liberal policy, for crying out loud; it was a global phenomenon that was then exacerbated.
Perhaps our colleagues have also heard about the war in Ukraine? It set off an oil crisis and disrupted Russian oil exports, which rapidly drove up energy prices as well as grain prices, because shipments were down. Ukraine was a very large grain producer. All of these factors caused global inflation.
That was where we were in 2023 and 2024. The central banks reacted appropriately. The Bank of Canada did what it had to do. I would remind you that our colleagues across the floor were saying at the time that if they came to power, they would fire the Governor of the Bank of Canada. Let us be serious: What kind of banana republic would we end up in? That is not something that is done, especially since the Bank of Canada was one of the first to successfully control inflation. We are now back within the 2% range, and the inflation peak of a few years ago is behind us. It is always important to avoid confusing inflation with the cost of living, because they are not quite the same thing. Past price increases are still there, but inflation is now well under control. The Governor of the Bank of Canada is fortunately still in office, because he has been one of the most successful members of this fraternity of central bank governors.
Let us return to the Bloc Québécois motion. Our colleagues said that Quebec has been punished and robbed. Those are very harsh words that I find difficult to follow and understand. We live in a confederation, where there is a fairly elaborate system of federal revenue transfers. That is what we have done. I think that it has been done very well and that, no, Quebec has not been punished or cheated.
:
Mr. Speaker, it is always a privilege to rise here in the House of Commons. I particularly enjoy participating in opposition day debates. I am pleased to have the opportunity to interact with all my colleagues here, particularly the members of the Bloc Québécois, but also the many Conservative members who speak French.
Today's opposition motion was moved by my hon. Bloc Québécois colleague from . I have a great deal of respect for my colleague, who is a good parliamentarian. I appreciate the opportunity to debate the essence of the motion.
The motion is related to carbon pricing. I have a lot of experience with this issue. I am a government member who represents an Atlantic riding and, like many of my Atlantic colleagues, I had a different perspective on this issue. We understood the importance of changing the national policy, of changing the federal backstop for a couple of reasons.
I am going to talk today about something that happened in the last Parliament, and that shows the need for change. This story is also about the hypocrisy of the Conservatives when it comes to their position on the environment in general, but also when it comes to their position on carbon pricing. In some contexts, carbon pricing, particularly industrial carbon pricing, is a very conservative but small-c conservative policy. The Conservative Party platform that was presented during the election campaign included a plan to spend more public money, to spend more government money to deal with the challenges posed by climate change. It is not an effective plan, and I will talk about that later in my speech.
It is important to understand a few aspects of the federal carbon pricing plan. When former Prime Minister Trudeau and his government introduced their carbon pricing plan, the provinces and territories had the option of creating their own provincial plans. In fact, the goal was for Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and all the other provinces and territories to have their own plans. It is absolutely necessary to acknowledge that Quebec, British Columbia and, I believe, the Northwest Territories developed their own plans. I think that Quebec's plan, with its cap‑and‑trade system, was a good plan. It was a good plan in terms of public policy, but also given the political context.
I represent a rural riding in Nova Scotia. It is very difficult for my constituents to get around by public transit because the systems are non‑existent or are only available in the larger communities in my riding. This makes it absolutely necessary to have a car. The same is true for all rural communities across our country. It is also important to recognize that oil heating is particularly important in Nova Scotia and the Atlantic provinces in general. I must say that it is also important in Quebec. I stressed the need to change policies in order to reflect each province's and territory's realities and to address the specific issues facing the provinces and territories.
I commend the Government of Quebec for introducing its own plan using the cap-and-trade system while focusing on the province's major GHG emitters. Polls have been conducted. According to various polling firms, a majority of Quebeckers, more than 50%, support this carbon pricing system. It was a resounding success.
Today, with the motion it moved, the aim of the Bloc Québécois is to win or justify some kind of federal expenditure specifically for the province, considering that the federal tax does not apply to Quebec, British Columbia or the Northwest Territories. David Eby's government did not raise this issue, and neither did the Premier of the Northwest Territories.
Had I accepted the Bloc Québécois's arguments, although I did not, I would have had a different problem with the text of the motion. Our government sent the payment directly to families and individuals and not to the government or a government program. The text of the motion says to give federal money to the Government of Quebec “without conditions”. It says without conditions, without an obligation to make the payment to Quebec families. I think that is problematic.
If the Bloc Québécois wants a program similar to the one that the federal government had just before April, it is imperative to do what the Government of Canada did and send payments to Canadian families living in the provinces where the federal backstop for carbon pricing applied. I think that the text of the motion is problematic in that respect.
I would like to raise two other points. In the current context, it is necessary to have a flexible policy. The government is going to develop a strategy for working with the Canadian industry. We have to be competitive.
I have a problem with the Conservatives' position on the environmental issue in Canada. Our plan has the support of our economists; it seeks to reduce greenhouse gas emissions more effectively in Canada, especially for big corporations. We have to work with them. With all due respect to the Conservatives, it is very rare that they raise the issue of the environment. Nonetheless, in their election platform, they say that to change our climate goals, we need to spend more. There needs to be more government spending, more public resources. In my opinion, their plan is really chaotic. There needs to be a baseline for our businesses. There needs to be stability in the climate and competition policies, but also in the context of our international free trade.
I am now prepared to answer my colleagues' questions.
:
Mr. Speaker, thank you for letting me know. I presume that you will remind me when I need to wrap up my speech.
We find ourselves in a sadly recurring moment in this so-called confederation, which is, in reality, a federation, where people repeatedly say they love Quebec, that it is part of Canada, that it reaps various benefits, that it is quite spoiled and so on.
However, every time we express a need and we raise an injustice or an inequity, we are told we are creating division and we are not being reasonable. In my opinion, I think we are extremely reasonable. We dedicated an opposition day to this subject in a very reasonable and positive manner. We were quite naive to think that the injustice that occurred during the election could not be ignored.
For that reason, we moved this motion in the House, thinking that all parliamentarians, who are intelligent and open-minded individuals, would hear our case, analyze the information and recognize that funds, the origin of which was not transparent, had in fact been distributed inequitably. It turns out that this is not the case.
I will therefore explain it one last time. According to what is written in the program, the Canada carbon rebate was to be paid in advance, because it was known that this measure would not be popular when it was introduced. No one likes to pay taxes, which is to be expected. The government therefore announced that a payment, which was compensation covering the next three months, would be made in advance to prevent having individuals bear the immediate costs, particularly by putting it on their credit card.
The government obviously could have done a better job at public communications, an area where it has done very poorly in recent years and where it has been completely dominated by the official opposition. The government should have explained more often that nearly 80% of individuals, especially those with low incomes and those in the middle class, were getting more money than they were paying and that they were getting it in advance.
That is the issue at stake today. The cancellation of this tax was announced on April 1. The payment scheduled for April 22 was just a few days before the general election, and the government decided that it was better not to cancel it because people might have thought that their cheques were being taken away. Those people might not have wanted to vote for the Liberals anymore. The government then decided to go ahead with the payment.
I heard all sorts of things today. Luckily for me and my general state of mind, I did not listen to speeches all day. If I had, it would have done me in. It already has. I am a sensitive kind of guy. When I hear nonsense, it bothers me.
I was told a whole bunch of things. I was told that people were expecting a payment and no one wanted to blindside them. People had budgeted for it. Even if they no longer had to pay the tax and so should not have received the payment, the decision was made give it to them anyway.
At the very least, we are willing to accept this argument and give the benefit of the doubt, but this is nothing new. Using public funds in this way in the run‑up to an election looks like an attempt to buy votes. I think that the official opposition will agree with us on that. It was a very questionable move.
However, let us show even more good faith than usual and say that all of this is fine. The government did not want to catch people off guard and take money away from them for the coming month. We can agree on that. That said, this money should have been given to everyone. The money that the government handed out was supposed to be covered by the tax that it had planned to collect over the next three months. However, that is not what it did. It would no longer collect the tax, but it would still issue the compensation payment that should have been financed by that tax that no longer existed.
Some of my colleagues have called it a magic trick. We saw a few of those during the election campaign, including when the government talked about the budget. Some people are able to promise that they will cut taxes while increasing spending, and they can say that without batting an eye, without trembling, and with a steady voice. We cannot wait to see that. That is why we are all so eager to see a budget.
The tax was not collected, but the cheques were sent out. The money did not just magically appear. It came from somewhere. It came from the state coffers. The Bloc Québécois is working to change things one day, but for now, Quebec represents 22% of the tax-paying population. Quebec therefore paid 22% of the $3.7 billion that was handed out as election goodies, as giveaways. The Liberal Party gave out a nice little cheque in the hopes that it would win some votes. That is the problem.
We disagree with the idea of giving out cheques to buy an election, and we find it appalling. If the explanation is that poorer people were waiting for the cheque and the government did not want to upset them or catch them off guard, then it should have at least treated everyone fairly. That is where the problem lies. Neither British Columbia nor Quebec received this compensation because they were not on the list.
These two provinces were not on the list because over the years they decided to handle their own responsibilities. They decided to tackle climate change head-on, to change their ways and create a serious incentive for businesses to make an effort to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions.
There are different ways of doing that. I think that Quebec found one of the best ways of doing it with the carbon exchange, which is working well with one of the biggest partners in North America, California. This system works so well that there are far fewer repercussions on the citizens than the former carbon tax system that the federal government had chosen to impose on the provinces and territories that did not handle their own responsibilities. Let us not forget that, originally, this type of intervention fell under the jurisdiction of the provinces and Quebec.
That is the injustice. We have done the math, and approximately $800 million is what has been confiscated, taken away and stolen from us. I am using the word “stolen” to express my surprise that members of the House refused to allow us to table a definition of this very simple word, which is being used to make sure that everyone understands what we are talking about.
When we speak here, not everyone can hear us. First, there are the unilingual anglophones who never use earpieces. Second, there are all those who talk while we are speaking and create a lot of background noise that is getting louder and louder. That is a constructive comment on my part. At some point, we have to make ourselves heard. We felt that people did not understand what we were saying, so we wanted to give them the definition of the word that we were using.
Besides, we are nice. We work in French and we promote French, but my colleague from is so generous that he wanted to table the definition in both languages. He was shut down with very little consideration. Allow me to make a request to the members of the House. The next time that we are so generous, they should welcome it and accept our gift instead of snubbing us. We may end up understanding each other. That is the problem.
I want to talk about money again, because some big numbers have been thrown around. It is about $814 million, or about $10 million per riding in Quebec. I would like to explain things in practical terms for the people watching us at home. The Canada carbon rebate is $110 to $228 for the first adult, depending on the province in which it is paid. For the second adult, it is between $55 and $114, and it is between $27.50 and $57 per child. These amounts cover a three-month period. That is the money that others got and that Quebeckers did not get, but paid for. If I do a more simplistic calculation, in Quebec, we have graciously given $100 per person. We are truly generous, but we are called whiners and quibblers because we say that the government made a mistake and that something iniquitous had happened.
We humbly ask the government to fix this inequity. It should refund the money that Quebeckers paid because, as we have been told all day, we did not participate in carbon pricing. We do not have to pay for that. We have our system that works. That is the problem.
However, I am being told no. That is Canadian history in a nutshell. Sometimes, people wonder why there are damned separatists and why the sovereignist movement exists. People think that Canada is a very beautiful country. That is true, but it is simply not ours, because we do not have the same priorities as a nation.
On top of that comes a slew of inequities. Unfortunately, the carbon tax rebate during the election campaign only adds to a long list of times when Quebec was shortchanged. When we say that out loud, however, we are called malcontents and reminded about equalization payments, told that we should get down on our knees and thank Alberta. However, when they tell us that, people never remember to say that among the seven provinces receiving equalization payments, Quebec is the one receiving the least per capita. People need to be educated about these things.
Personally, I am sick and tired of listening to people talk about equalization. I want to remind people just how much we subsidize the heavy polluting oil and gas industry every year. Indeed, of the subsidies it receives from the government, we pay 22%. The government gives oil companies tax credits; in the next few years it is going to give these companies money so they can keep polluting while they try to sequester carbon in sinks or rock. Good luck with that. Every time it was tried in the past, it failed. As for us, we are going to have to pay for it.
Now, when we stand up and say that the government made a mistake, that it gave a cheque to certain provinces but not to two others, that this is unfair and that it should right this wrong, they call us malcontents, point out the equalization payments we have received and tell us to repent. We will not repent. I have plenty of examples like that.
This system is one of the most malicious that exists, because on top of everything else, less money is being invested in Quebec. That affects how equalization payments are calculated, requiring additional payments and leaving Quebeckers with the impression that they are poor. God forbid they realize that they are good people, that they are great, strong, intelligent and capable of shining far more brightly in the world and then decide to separate. What a tragedy that would be.
We have resources that benefit Canada. I will just mention the St. Lawrence Seaway. I invite the few members who are listening to me to do a bit of research. They are the exception, but we will talk to them anyway, because we have to talk to the audience that we have. Out of curiosity, they should find out how much it costs for a ship to pass through the Panama Canal. After that, they should look up how much it cost to rebuild the new Samuel de Champlain Bridge in Montreal, and how much it would have cost had the bridge been lower. It is very high because it is the seaway, and ships have to be able to pass through. It is a good idea, but it came at a price. Who paid for that?
People can always present whatever figures they want. Let them ask more questions about equalization payments, and I will be happy to answer them. Actually, they can keep their equalization. I do believe that Quebec would be much richer and more prosperous and would have a better future without equalization payments if it controlled all of its taxes. That is because the fundamental problem with this federation—I started talking about confederation and federation—is once again poor presentation and yet another opportunity for Quebeckers to be cheated.
It is in the contract of 1867, where the responsibilities and areas of jurisdiction were set out. In order to properly exercise these areas of jurisdiction, we need to have the financial means. However, we have discovered over time that Canada is a federation and that the federal government constantly wants to centralize power here in Ottawa without fulfilling its obligations. We see it every day.
I will just talk about the health care system, which is underfunded. Canada's contribution is now 20% or 22% of health care costs, down from 50% in the early 1970s, when the system was introduced. We need to put ourselves in the shoes of a federal government that wants to be popular and says it cannot simply transfer money to the provinces because they will provide the services and take all the credit so people will like them. The federal government cannot do that.
Jean Chrétien understood that. He cut transfers. He even bragged about it abroad and talked about what a great position he was in. He was cutting transfers and people were protesting in front of the provincial and Quebec parliaments, while he was sitting back with his feet up, with plenty of money to do whatever he wanted, including the ability to encroach on any area of jurisdiction he wanted.
I could go back even further. There is a debt somewhere. My colleague from the Quebec City area, whose full riding name I would not dare try to pronounce because I am not familiar with the indigenous portion and would not want to be disrespectful to anyone, will be pleased that I am quoting the Act of Union of 1840. I know that he is a history buff. When he asks his question, he will surely tell me that he is in a good mood today and that he wants to encourage me by saying that I am right when I say that the debts of Upper Canada and Lower Canada were merged, even though they were of a completely different order of magnitude, and that the debt of Upper Canada, which was Ontario at the time, was paid off. No one is bothered by that today, just as no one will be bothered in two years when we talk about today's $814 million. It will not keep anyone in Canada awake at night. This is another example of Quebec being cheated, although I will agree that it is on a smaller scale.
All those who stand up and tell us that Quebec did not participate in the carbon exchange and that it is not true that Quebeckers got cheated lack objectivity. I am being very polite when I say that they lack objectivity. I will say again that the credit for the carbon tax was paid in advance for the next three months.
The election date was approaching, and the Liberal government decided to scrap the consumer carbon tax in order to pull the rug out from under Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre—I can mention him by name because he is not here, which is rare, so I am taking advantage of it. They took away his arguments. I have to admit that it was a very smart and strategic political move. It seems to have worked, since the Liberals are still in power. However, the government decided that it could not stop the cheques that were supposed to arrive a few days before the election because people would not like that. It therefore decided not to stop the cheques, even though it had not collected the taxes to pay for them.
I have explained this twice. I hope that it is starting to sink in. I almost feel like saying it in English in order to make sure that I am understood, but we do have principles that we will uphold to the very last. I therefore invite those who are interested to put on their earpieces and listen carefully to the extraordinary work that the interpreters are doing here.
An hon. member: Hear, hear.
Yves Perron: I am glad to hear that. I can even hear several of you. Hear, hear.
If the Liberals did not collect the money they handed out in advance, where did it come from? It came from the public purse. However, the money in the public purse is not separated by province. Quebec's money is in there, too. That means that 22% of that money should flow back to us. That is all. This is not a malicious separatist gesture or an act of bad faith. What we want is fairness for our citizens. It seems to me that this is a very reasonable request. Unfortunately, I have the very sad duty of noting that the House does not seem to want to recognize this fact. I find that very disappointing. I hope our citizens see this, realize what is going on and remember it, because we do not want an injustice like this to happen every week. Any time someone comes along to extol the virtues of beautiful, great Canada, we will have one more piece of evidence to show that it is not working.
People tell me about Beautiful Canada. That is all very interesting, but why does it not bother anyone that Quebec has never signed the Constitution? It is rather ironic that we are the parliamentary group that respects the Constitution the most. Since we sit here and we are obliged to work within these structures, we are constantly reminding people that jurisdictions need to be respected. We constantly have to tell them that was not what was written behind our backs in the night. One signature in the night, while the premier was sleeping. You cannot make it up. I would not say it in this chamber if I did not know it to be true. I think it is awful to see that no one is bothered by this. Then there are people with good will, like the Conservative leader who had the most common sense, Mr. Mulroney, who tried to fix this. He was not asking for much, but it was a categorical no. Still today, what do we get? We get a categorical no. We will remember.