The House resumed from September 16 consideration of the motion that Bill , be read the second time and referred to committee.
:
Mr. Speaker, I am honoured to rise today to speak to Bill , a major legislative initiative to both strengthen our asylum system and secure our borders. These two objectives go hand in hand, because we need an effective and humane immigration system that protects vulnerable people, while ensuring the safety of all Canadians.
Every year, thousands of people choose Canada to build a better life, to find refuge and to contribute to our society. However, global migration realities are changing quickly. In 2022, we processed more than 92,000 claims for asylum. That number climbed to more than 171,000 in 2024, which means it nearly doubled in two years. The rapid increase in asylum claims is straining our system. Processing times are getting longer, claimants are living in uncertainty, and our public services are grappling with a heavier workload.
Bill C‑2 proposes concrete, well-thought-out solutions to improve this situation while keeping our system fair and compassionate. One of the measures we are proposing is a single online form for all applications, whether they are submitted at an airport, at a land border or outside the country. This will simplify the process, reduce administrative errors and allow for better coordination between Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada, the Canada Border Services Agency and the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada. Furthermore, cases will be pre-screened and scheduling powers will be transferred directly to the board to allow hearings to be held faster and to facilitate planning. This will reduce unnecessary delays and ensure timely decisions. Lastly, we are proposing a simplified process for withdrawing incomplete applications while preserving the applicant's right to explain their situation and present arguments. Together, these measures will speed up decision-making and ensure that asylum continues to be accessible to those who truly need it.
Bill also introduces clear rules to protect the integrity of the system. For example, a claim for asylum must be filed within one year of the person's arrival in Canada. This time limit will deter people from using the asylum system to circumvent the regular immigration channels or to unduly prolong their temporary stay. The number of irregular border crossings has already diminished since the expansion of the safe third country agreement, but, under this bill, a person who crosses the border illegally and files a claim more than 14 days after their entry into Canada will no longer have their claim referred to the board. These provisions do not close the door on protection, however. Anyone facing persecution will still have the right to a pre-removal risk assessment, so our humanitarian commitment remains intact. In short, we are striking a balance between efficiency, security and compassion, which is essential to the credibility and legitimacy of our asylum system.
The COVID-19 pandemic showed us that we need to be able to respond quickly and effectively in exceptional circumstances. The current laws do not allow a large volume of immigration documents to be suspended, varied or cancelled in response to a widespread crisis. That limits the government's ability to protect Canadians in times of crisis. Bill C‑2 addresses that gap by enabling the government to temporarily suspend certain visas or travel authorizations in the event of a major crisis, whether it be a pandemic, an international conflict or a natural disaster. These temporary powers will enable the government to react quickly to protect the health, safety and well-being of Canadians while ensuring the continuity of essential services.
The second major mission of Bill is to strengthen border security and combat transnational organized crime. The bill builts on the historic $1.3‑billion investment and is structured around three pillars. The first pillar is to secure the border by modernizing the Customs Act, by improving the efficiency of export inspections, including inspections of rail and marine shipping containers, and by adding security-related activities to the Canadian Coast Guard's mandate. The second pillar is to combat fentanyl and organized crime by facilitating the seizure of mail for criminal investigations, by creating an accelerated scheduling pathway for precursor chemicals, and by providing legal access to electronic data in order to disrupt trafficking networks. The third pillar is to crack down on money laundering by introducing stiffer penalties, a ban on certain cash deposits over $10,000, and better information sharing between banks, the Financial Transactions and Reports Analysis Centre of Canada, or FINTRAC, and law enforcement.
All of these measures come with robust, transparent oversight mechanisms to ensure compliance with the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and protect Canadians' privacy. This gives law enforcement the tools it needs while safeguarding the public trust.
Those are not abstract issues. They are having a direct impact on Laval and the riding of Alfred-Pellan. Laval is a strategic economic and logistical hub, being close to the port of Montreal, the international airport, Highway 15 and major railway routes. Those attributes foster innovation and prosperity, but they also attract the attention of criminal networks. In 2024, Laval recorded more than 3,300 crimes and offences, including more than 800 auto thefts. More and more luxury cars are being stolen for export, threatening the safety of local residents and businesses. Thanks to the new export inspection powers, we will be able to intercept those vehicles before they leave the country, enabling us to protect property and strengthen public trust.
The fight against fentanyl is also crucial for our community. Our police services and community organizations are grappling with an overdose crisis that is affecting too many families in Laval. Bill C‑2 provides meaningful federal support to combat this scourge by coordinating the efforts of local, provincial, and national agencies. By protecting the integrity of cross-border trade, we are also protecting innovative Laval businesses in the logistics, pharmaceutical and international trade sectors, as well as the thousands of jobs they generate. This bill helps create a safe and prosperous environment for families, workers and entrepreneurs in my riding.
Like all Canadians, the people of Alfred-Pellan want safe communities, a fair and efficient immigration system, and an economy protected from the threat of crime. Bill C‑2 equips our border, police and justice services with tools for the 21st century. It protects our youth from the scourge of fentanyl, our businesses from financial crime, and our families from auto theft and fraud. It strengthens trust in our asylum system and enables us to respond effectively to global crises. We are reinforcing the system to reflect today's realities, protect Canadians and prepare for tomorrow's challenges. We are also sending a clear message—
:
Mr. Speaker, on behalf of the great people of Barrie—Springwater—Oro-Medonte, I am pleased to rise today to speak to this important piece of legislation.
Since this is my first full speech in the 45th Parliament, I would be a little remiss if I did not take a moment to thank a few people who helped send me back here. First of all, I would like to mention my EDA president and sign guru, Shawn Scott. A few of my key campaign team members were Erin, also referred to as “Peaches”, the other Errin, Lauren, Harry, Sharbell, Hale and, of course, Kelly, who held the fort. Many other volunteers and supporters also helped with this. It takes an army, as everybody on all sides knows, to get a successful campaign done.
I would also like to thank my family: my wife, Lisa, for always supporting me; my son, Wyatt, and his girlfriend, Grayson; my other son, Luke; and, just to get some brownie points from my wife, I would also like to mention my dog, Ollie, for always posing for pictures on all the brochures and winning everyone's hearts. I am sure my wife will be very happy to hear that part; I think the dog is a little higher on the pecking order at home than I am.
Conservatives have been calling on the Liberal government to introduce many of these measures for years. Under the Liberal government, Canada has turned a blind eye to enforcement on illegal migration, gun trafficking, money laundering and the cross-border trafficking of fentanyl. Unfortunately, the Liberals felt inclined to make real progress on these issues only when they were called out and threatened with tariffs by the United States. They scrambled, and we must ask ourselves why it took so long to act.
Conservatives believe in protecting Canadians from transnational crime, illegal trafficking and abuse of our immigration system, but Bill contains many troubling provisions related to privacy and civil liberties of Canadians that will be difficult to support without significant amendments. Bill C-2 is a sweeping omnibus bill into which the Liberal government decided to throw a laundry list of measures that are completely unrelated to border security and immigration reform.
I will discuss three main issues touched upon in Bill that the Liberal government has allowed to spiral out of control: fentanyl, our immigration system and border security.
Let us begin with the fentanyl crisis. Canada faces an opioid crisis that has claimed the lives of more than 50,000 Canadians since 2016. This is a national crisis that has wreaked havoc on our communities in our cities, in our towns and in rural Canada from coast to coast.
Many members must wonder how the Liberal government has responded to this crisis. The Liberal government introduced Bill . This disastrous bill eliminated mandatory prison time for drug traffickers, drug producers and drug importers. Many of the people responsible for killing over 50,000 people and causing unbelievable mayhem and destruction in our communities no longer have mandatory prison times. It has been repeated over and over again, even by Liberals themselves, that Bill C-5's specific goal was for fewer people to go to prison.
As a result of legislation like this, we see that people involved in this deadly fentanyl trade are getting back out on the streets more quickly than ever. It is extremely disappointing to see that there are no new sentencing provisions included in this massive omnibus bill. Individuals who threaten our communities will continue to walk free because of Bill , even if the current bill is passed.
I will remind the members of the House that, in December, Conservatives put forward an opposition day motion calling for many measures related to fentanyl trafficking. Our motion called on the Liberal government to reverse Bill , reinstate longer sentences for drug kingpins, ban the importation of fentanyl precursors, buy high-powered scanners, put more boots on the ground at the ports and stop buying unsafe supply of opioids. Shockingly, the Liberal government, the Bloc and the NDP all voted against this motion.
Now I will turn to our immigration system and border security, issues that the Liberal government has quickly allowed to spiral out of control during its past decade in power. The promised to fix our broken immigration system and broken borders, but recently released numbers show that he has blown past his immigration targets, with some on track to be the highest on record. He supports the same out-of-control Liberal immigration policies that delivered a triple-header crisis in housing, health care and youth unemployment. Conservatives believe we must reduce the numbers so that health care, housing and job creation can catch up.
The Canadian public deserves a trustworthy immigration system that operates in the national interest. We used to have the best immigration system in the world, and we were the envy of all other nations.
Our immigration system must put Canada first. That means inviting the right people in the right numbers to absorb them into housing, health care and jobs. It means having a system that allows newcomers to succeed as part of the Canadian family. It also means restoring the value of citizenship so that everyone who calls our country home, regardless of where they came from, is Canadian above all else. We must also end the abuse of the temporary foreign worker program and the international student program and end fraudulent refugee claims.
With respect to border security, Conservatives will support any measure that invests in our border and provides greater resources to CBSA personnel to prevent the flow of illegal guns, drugs and other listed goods over our border and into Canada. Conservatives are committed to strengthening Canada's border security through practical effective measures. We support deploying thousands of additional border agents, expanding the operational reach of the Canada Border Services Agency across the entire border and installing advanced surveillance towers to monitor high-risk areas. We also advocate for the use of high-powered scanners at land crossings and shipping ports to detect illicit drugs, firearms and stolen vehicles. These tools are essential in disrupting organized crime and protecting Canadian communities.
Above all, we stand firmly behind the dedicated men and women serving on the front lines of our border. These professionals are often under-resourced, but they work tirelessly to safeguard our country. Their efforts in intercepting dangerous substances and weapons are critical to national security, and they deserve our full support and sincere gratitude.
Now I would like to touch briefly upon how the Liberal government's soft-on-crime agenda is having an impact on my own community. After 10 years under the Liberal government, I walk around the downtown core of my riding and do not recognize it. Ten years ago, my community did not have tent encampments, and it did not have widespread homelessness; it did not have individuals smoking and shooting up illegal drugs on sidewalks and in children's playgrounds. Lawlessness has become the norm in my community and in cities across Canada. The sad part is that our young people think this is normal. They think this is the way Canada has always been. To young people across Canada, I say that it was not like this before the Liberal government came into power; it will not be like this once it is gone.
In the city of Barrie, Mayor Alex Nuttall was recently forced to declare a state of emergency to address the growing number and size of encampments, which pose significant risks to the community, our first responders and the individuals living in these encampments. Our first responders and community organizations are stretched thin by the scale of disorder caused by the encampments. Children are exposed to open drug use and must navigate dangerous areas on their way to school. Small businesses and local retailers face ongoing challenges related to vandalism, theft, loitering and public intoxication. It is clear that this is a symptom of the Liberal government's reckless experiment of flooding our streets with taxpayer-funded hard drugs. Our once-safe neighbourhoods are now plagued by crime, chaos, death and disorder.
The recently tweeted, “This isn't the Wild West.” I would like him to say that to residents in downtown Barrie. A resident recently wrote a letter to my office to express his concern, stating, “This situation is unacceptable. My children should be able to walk safely down the street without encountering garbage, needles, makeshift encampments or open drug use. Allowing this to continue is a failure of leadership and a betrayal of the residents who work hard to maintain their homes, pay their taxes and raise their families here. A clear line must be drawn. People cannot simply set up tents wherever they choose, and open drug use cannot be ignored. This is not only a public health and safety crisis but also a direct threat to law and order. By tolerating it, we send the message that community standards and laws no longer matter.”
At the federal level, the Liberal government must face reality and take immediate action to protect Canadians. The Conservatives are calling on the Liberal government to amend the Criminal Code to include a much-needed stand-on-guard principle, fix Canada's broken bail system, reverse the reckless drug policy and repeal soft-on-crime legislation so that dangerous criminals receive jail time, not bail.
To conclude, I would like to reiterate that Conservatives are supportive of some measures in Bill . However, we are deeply concerned about others. I am extremely concerned that there are no new sentencing provisions, there are no new mandatory jail sentencing provisions, there are no mandatory jail terms for fentanyl traffickers who terrorize our communities and there are no new mandatory jail terms for criminals who terrorize our communities with guns. This is the reality of Canada. Criminals, including those charged with trafficking fentanyl, smuggling firearms or committing violent assaults, are being routinely released on bail, often within hours. The bill would not address that reality in any way, shape or form. Conservatives believe that Canadians deserve to feel safe in their homes, in their streets and in their communities.
As of today, Bill is a bad bill. In its current form, it will be difficult for Conservatives to support the bill. What is the solution? We recommend that Liberals copy our ideas. Our leader has said time and time again, “Please use our ideas.”
Conservatives have brought forward serious proposals in the form of private members' bills and otherwise to fix our broken—
:
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to be able to join the debate today.
I listened with great sympathy to every word said by my new colleague across the way. I understand the issue very well and sympathize with the challenge that is facing him, and many of us, which is exactly why Bill is so important in enabling us to make the kinds of changes necessary to give the tools that are required and necessary for the various policing organizations and other organizations that deal with the many issues that Bill C-2 covers. I am happy to be able to speak to it, as well as to welcome my hon. colleague here.
I want to focus my remarks on the provisions of the bill that deal with lawful access, which is an issue that many of us have heard about and talked about.
When the police want to investigate something, they often have many roadblocks in being able to do that. How law enforcement obtains evidence in investigations is a real challenge. These provisions, though, have sparked much public comment, and I would like to try to dispel some of the myths about them.
Before I do that, I want to provide some of the context that informs the bill that we are debating today. A key challenge facing the criminal justice system right now is that digital evidence is required in almost all criminal and national security investigations. The Internet has fundamentally transformed how many serious offences, such as extortion, fraud and money laundering, are committed. The online world also allows criminals to operate across borders much more easily. As a result, many types of crimes are easier to commit and harder to detect, investigate and prosecute.
The transnational nature of many types of crime and the storage of data in the cloud, beyond the reach of local law enforcement, makes international co-operation a necessity in many of these investigations. The evolving case law in this context also highlights the challenges that law enforcement faces in accessing key information required to investigate many of these serious crimes. I am referring especially to two decisions by the Supreme Court of Canada, in Spencer and in Bykovets, which address child sexual exploitation and abuse material and online fraud.
In 2014, the Supreme Court of Canada, in Spencer, held that Internet users have a reasonable expectation of privacy in their identity when linked to anonymous online activity. Accordingly, the court held that the police need some type of lawful authority to obtain subscriber information in this context. The Spencer decision has had a significant impact on law enforcement investigations across the country. Since that decision, service providers, in the context of routine investigations, do not provide the police with any information relating to their subscribers without a court order.
In the absence of a specific tool to seek lawful authority to obtain subscriber information, law enforcement has been using what is called a general production order. However, this tool was designed for other purposes, and police are often unable to meet its threshold requirements, namely, to demonstrate that they reasonably believe that an offence has been or will be committed and that the subscriber information sought will provide evidence of the offence. If they do not meet those conditions, they cannot obtain a general production order.
That is just one example of the difficulties that our law enforcement officers and other authorities have when it comes to securing evidence that is required. These conditions are particularly challenging at the very early stages of investigations.
Bill proposes to address that challenge, post-Spencer, by establishing a new production order. It is designed specifically to allow the police to seek judicial authorization to compel the production of subscriber information. This would be done on a standard that is calibrated to balance the expectation of privacy with the needs of the state to pursue criminal investigations when there are reasonable grounds to suspect that the information will assist in the investigation of an offence, making it something that should be much easier to obtain.
One of the key safeguards embedded in these amendments is requiring judicial authorization prior to the release of any subscriber information. Previous attempts by Parliament to address this issue proposed allowing the police to access subscriber information without prior judicial authorization, but in 2024, in R v. Bykovets, the Supreme Court of Canada confirmed that individuals have a reasonable expectation of privacy in relation to an IP address that has been assigned to them. An IP address, of course, as we all know, is a unique set of numbers that identifies a device connected to the Internet or a private network.
The decision has created uncertainty as to how police can act when an IP address has been provided to them voluntarily. For example, when the victim of an online crime such as fraud identifies an IP address when filing a police report or when law enforcement receives tips regarding child sexual exploitation and abuse from the National Center for Missing & Exploited Children, the bill clarifies that law enforcement can receive and act on information, including an IP address, that is provided to them unsolicited and information that is publicly available. This clarification would enable more timely investigations and reduce pressures on the criminal justice system, including police and judicial resources.
Bill would also modernize existing tools like the main research and seizure power in the Criminal Code. It has been in place for decades and was originally designed for the search of physical places and the seizure of tangible things. The proposed amendments address the examination of data stored on an accessible device by adding terms and conditions relating to the examination of the data. The proposed amendments seek to codify the Supreme Court of Canada's direction on computer searches set out in the 2013 decision R v. Vu. Related to this amendment is clarification that the Criminal Code's existing regime governing the detention of seized property does not apply to data obtained during an investigation.
As I previously mentioned, digital evidence is now required in almost all serious criminal and national security investigations. Often this digital evidence may be held outside of Canada; for instance, it may be held by social media companies. Existing mutual legal assistance mechanisms are often too slow for investigations that require digital evidence, especially in light of the volatile nature of data and the ease with which it can be moved or destroyed. Bill would establish a new mechanism, called an “international production request”, that would allow law enforcement to seek authority from a court in Canada to request subscriber information or transmission data.
Bill is important and is necessary for us to move forward in this new time in our world.
:
Mr. Speaker, it is an honour to be back in the House of Commons. Just like with our back to school week, we call it “getting back into routine”.
I want to take this opportunity, this being my first chance to be on my feet here on the floor, to speak on more of a sad note, which is to report and acknowledge in the House the passing of my predecessor, who served as the member of Parliament for Stormont—Dundas—South Glengarry for 15 years, Mr. Guy Lauzon.
Guy passed away on June 22, at the age of 81. I was very lucky to not only have had Guy as my member of Parliament before I came into the role, but also to have had the honour of working for him for a number of years here on Parliament Hill and in our Cornwall constituency office.
Guy was hard-working. He was full of integrity. His loyalty was second to none. He really cared about SD and G, Cornwall, and the entire country, frankly. We could not have found a more proud Canadian than Guy.
In the House, he served as the national Conservative caucus chair. At one point he was the parliamentary secretary to the then minister of agriculture and agri-food. He loved being in here, and he loved the honour of commuting back and forth and representing our part of eastern Ontario.
Guy was not just a boss to me; he was also a friend and a mentor. I am going to miss the regular calls I had with him, where he gave me advice. It is very unique serving in this job as a member of Parliament. Not too many people are fortunate to be in this job. I am going to miss him dearly for many reasons. He attended events with me even after he retired, and he was out and about in the community. His legacy and reputation for hard work and delivering for the people of Stormont—Dundas—Glengarry is something I want to acknowledge.
My thoughts are with Jeff, Lonna-Lea and the entire Lauzon family as they continue to mourn a wonderful man and a wonderful Canadian.
I rise tonight to speak to the government's Bill , the strong borders act. It is a very important piece of legislation for our part of eastern Ontario. Stormont—Dundas—Glengarry, the united counties, the city of Cornwall and our community of Akwesasne in the riding of SD and G all share a border with the United States. We also have a port of entry that crosses from Cornwall onto Cornwall Island and over to Messina, New York. It is an important throughway for commercial and regular traffic to go through.
To be honest and frank as well, our community, sadly for too many years, has been a haven for drug, gun, human and sex trafficking. It has been a very disturbing trend we have seen over the course of the last couple of years, frankly decades. It is a reputation, one we are not proud to have. However, we are very proud of the men and women on the front lines who are working to combat the problem each and every day. Therefore when we see a piece of legislation entitled “strong borders”, I certainly have some contributions to add to the debate.
I will again give my gratitude to the frontline law enforcement officers who are doing the best they can with the resources and legislation they are given. The RCMP, the Canada Border Services Agency, the OPP, the Cornwall Police Service and the Akwesasne Mohawk Police Service work through the border integrity unit to address it. I just want to give members an idea of where we have not had strong borders and why we need some improvements, something for which I have been advocating for years.
The border integrity unit team, which specializes in combatting trafficking and criminal activities, up until recently was not even funded for a 24-7 service. Usually, every night at midnight is when the shifts would end for the people in the border integrity unit. Very often they would not be back until the next morning. I was astounded when I learned this in some of the briefings and ride-along tours I had with local law enforcement. There was frustration or exasperation that this was even a fact. When do we think most of the notorious activity happens? It is not at two o'clock in the afternoon along the St. Lawrence River, but at dark, throughout the night, in an attempt to achieve as quiet a circumstance as possible, and the unit is not being funded 24-7.
The government made an announcement recently, after years and years of knowing this, and I am following it anxiously to make sure the commitment actually turns into a reality, that in our part of the St. Lawrence River and eastern Ontario we will truly, finally, get a 24-7 stronger border by having the necessary resources and officials on the front line, not only the people but also the tools and equipment that are needed as well.
There are some good parts to the bill, as there would be in most pieces of legislation, that members will not find us having too much of an issue with. When I go through it and see the details of the legislation, there are some things that have been changed with respect to the sex offender registry and modernizing that. Members will find agreement from Conservatives on this side of the House. I think, frankly, all members of the House would support modernizing it, tightening it up and making those conditions more strict, as there are several loopholes that have been identified.
There are some modernizations as well that would allow CBSA to better have locations and facilities and to co-locate them when it comes to the import and export of products and goods in this country. On modernization, the government is not going to get an argument from us on this side of the House.
However, there are many concerning parts. The government has put an omnibus piece of legislation forward with many different parts. I believe there are 16 different parts to the legislation, several of which are concerning when it comes to civil liberties and the protection of Canadians' privacy.
I want to raise part 4, which deals with mail and some of the challenges that go along with that. What do we mean by that? Part 4 would give Canada Post unilateral power not just to open parcels but also to open letters without a warrant. The Liberals have tried to refute that, but when we go through the legislation, we see that it does not specify that a warrant would be needed. We have combed through the legislation.
Also, part 4 specifically deals with changes to the Canada Post Corporation Act, and because “warrant” does not appear there once, it leads to many questions about why the government is choosing to do this. Canada Post, to my knowledge, did not ask for this power specifically.
At the end of the day, I think Canadians would be very concerned to know that if they had mail going through an international crossing, leaving Canada or coming in, that their letter mail could be opened without a warrant. I believe, and the Conservatives believe, that is a complete invasion of privacy.
There is a process that law enforcement can follow if there is suspicion of parcels or, frankly, even of letters. We are left asking why the constraint on power is being changed, and we are wondering what is going on. Why would Canada Post want the authority to open mail? This creates a lot more questions than answers. We are going to continue to ask for those answers, because opening an envelope and looking for fentanyl also means opening a piece of mail and being allowed to read it. Who is going to have access to correspondence? What is the process going to be? There are certainly many questions when it comes to part 4.
The second part I want to raise in the debate here tonight is part 11 of the bill, which would ban cash transactions over $10,000. It would not put in a reporting requirement at all. It would not restrict it. It would not add bureaucracy or red tape, which the government is very good at doing, but would actually be a clear ban. When reading directly from the bill, we see that it would do all that.
I represent a rural community. In our part of Eastern Ontario, there are a lot of people who still deal in cash. It would not be anything to buy a small piece of farm equipment for $10,000 or $15,000, or to buy a used farm truck or a used vehicle. This would be jeopardized by what is being proposed:
Every person or entity that is engaged in a business, a profession or the solicitation of charitable financial donations from the public would commit an offence if the person or entity accepts a cash payment, donation or deposit of $10,000 or more in a single transaction or in a prescribed series of related transactions that total $10,000 or more.
There are a lot of those interactions that happen across the border between Eastern Ontario and northern New York. It continues to be a problem.
An additional challenge is what is not in the legislation. The Liberals are not addressing the desperate and urgent need for bail reform now. Our criminal justice system is a revolving door of catch and release. We need to address that. The Liberals have failed to do so.
When it comes to sentencing fentanyl kingpins, we need to clamp down and get more serious. Violent crime is up 50%, homicide is up 28%, sexual assaults are up 75%, extortion is up 357% and auto theft is up 46%. The list goes on and on. The bill does not go far enough to tackle the urgent need we have for public safety in this country.
I look forward to the questions and comments from my colleagues and how we will work to strengthen parts of it to actually get Canadians some relief from criminals ravaging our streets.
:
Mr. Speaker, it is with great pride and humility that I rise in the House as the member of Parliament for South Shore—St. Margarets. To stand here representing the voices, the stories and the concerns of my community is both an honour and a responsibility that I do not take lightly. My riding is a place where the ocean is not simply scenery. It is livelihood, heritage and the foundation of our communities.
For generations, families in South Shore—St. Margarets have built their lives around the water. Our fishers head out before dawn. Our families depend on the marine industries for their income, and our coastal towns thrive because of the opportunities and the challenges that the sea provides.
The Canadian Coast Guard, too, is woven into our community's fabric. For many in my riding, the Coast Guard is not just a federal institution. It is a neighbour, a rescuer and a partner. We see the red and white vessels in our harbours. We know the crews that are on call at all hours, and when there is a storm, a vessel in distress or an oil spill threatening our shorelines, it is often the Canadian Coast Guard that answers first.
That is why it feels fitting that my first speech here as we sit again should be about Bill , and in particular, part 5 of this legislation, which would amend the Oceans Act. This is not just about legal language or technical updates. It is also about the safety, the well-being and the resilience of our coastal communities, those like mine and like so many across Canada.
South Shore—St. Margarets is defined not only by its relationship with the ocean but also by the strength of its communities and the compassion of its people. This past summer, I had the privilege of meeting with a remarkable local non-profit group called Thriving Twogether. This organization works tirelessly with families and individuals who are struggling with addiction. What they shared with me was very sobering.
They described parents living in constant fear that their children might be exposed to drugs at school or throughout their community. They spoke of individuals desperate for treatment but unable to find a bed, a program or timely support. They told me about families who have been torn apart by addiction and the invisible weight that so many of us carry each day.
Those were not statistics or headlines. Those were the stories of real people. They are the mothers, fathers, sons, daughters and neighbours, the people in my community who I have met at local events, at the grocery stores, at the church halls or at community fundraisers. Their struggles are real, and they remind us that the issues debated in the House are not abstract. They are about human lives, dignity and hope.
Their concerns are also echoed through another message I received this summer, which was an open letter from a municipal warden in my riding. The letter urged the federal government to act swiftly and decisively to address the flow of drugs into our communities. It spoke of the strain on local resources, of the heartbreak felt by too many families and of the urgent need for federal leadership.
When a community leader, a frontline organization and everyday families all converge on the same message, we must listen. Their voices remind us that government action must be grounded in the realities that the people face on the ground. It is against this backdrop that we must view part 5 of Bill .
This legislation proposes an amendment to the Fisheries Act to explicitly state that Canadian Coast Guard services include activities related to security. It would authorize the responsible minister to collect, analyze and disclose information and intelligence. It also clarifies that these new authorities would strengthen Canada's capacity to work with our international partners, including our closest ally, the United States, to address pressing challenges such as cross-border drug trafficking.
Let me be clear that the Canadian Coast Guard is and will remain non-military, a civilian organization. Its core mandate will not change, and the vital services it provides, such as search and rescue, environmental response, marine navigation and support for our fishers and mariners will continue uninterrupted and undiminished. However, what this amendment would also do is provide the Coast Guard with these additional tools. It would ensure that in the face of modern security challenges, the Coast Guard can contribute effectively to the efforts to keep our communities safe. For communities like mine in South Shore—St. Margarets, this matters.
We know that the same waters that sustain us and our livelihoods can also be exploited by those who seek to move illicit substances across our borders. We know that trafficking networks are sophisticated. They adapt very quickly, and no single agency can respond alone. The Coast Guard's unique presence, its vessels, its infrastructure and its crews, stationed from coast to coast to coast, make it a critical partner for this work. By strengthening its ability to collect and share intelligence and to work seamlessly with law enforcement and international allies, we make it harder for traffickers to exploit our waters. We also make meaningful steps toward protecting families and communities from the ripple effects of drug trafficking.
Supporting this legislation is about more than policy. It is about people. It is about responding to the voices that I have heard in my riding, the voices that all members have heard in their ridings, the families supported by Thriving Twogether in my community, the municipal leaders sounding alarms and the neighbours who quietly share their fears about what drugs are doing to our youth and communities. It is also about acknowledging that addiction and trafficking are not challenges that one level of government, one organization or one community can solve alone. It requires a coordinated response. They require tools at every level: prevention, treatment, enforcement and community supports. Bill would not solve every aspect of this crisis, but it would strengthen one piece of the puzzle.
I have seen first-hand the resilience of my community. I have seen how people come together in times of crisis, whether it is after a storm, during a fire or in response to tragedy, but I have also seen the strain. I have seen how families can only carry so much on their own, how municipalities struggle with limited resources and how community organizations such as Thriving Twogether do this historic work, but cannot fill the gaps left by a lack of coordinated support. This legislation gives us a chance to ease some of that burden in our communities.
By enhancing the Coast Guard's capacity to play a role in security, we would disrupt trafficking networks before their products reach our shores, strengthen the hand of law enforcement and reduce the pressure on families and communities already stretched thin. I also believe this amendment reflects a broader principle here, one that I continue to carry with me in the House. That principle is that national policy must always be connected to the local realities we see every day in our ridings. When we debate legislation here in Ottawa, it must be with an eye to the impact that it will have on places like Liverpool, Bridgewater, Tantallon, Mahone Bay, Shelburne, Caledonia and the many other towns and villages along South Shore—St. Margarets—
:
Mr. Speaker, finally! Finally, that is the word.
Ottawa has finally understood the need to look at border security. In recent years, Ottawa has consistently turned a deaf ear to calls from all sides, including our own. Now, Ottawa seems to be starting to wake up. How unfortunate that it took a barrage of hostile comments and tariff threats from the newly appointed President Donald Trump for Ottawa to realize that it had to appear like it was taking the border security issue seriously. I was in Washington last week with the of the Bloc Québécois and the member for . The Americans are still very concerned about border security.
However, we have long called for stronger measures to combat the export of stolen vehicles, reduce the number of asylum seekers, and tackle the flow of fentanyl and the issue of money laundering. We need to address all of these issues. We have been talking about them for a long time. It cannot be said that they were never discussed by anyone in government, and that the problem was unknown. Unfortunately, it took a radical shake-up in Canada‑U.S. relations before we saw anyone start to wake up.
However, it is unfortunate that this belated awakening has resulted in an extremely lengthy and highly technical bill with potentially serious consequences. The bill is 130 pages. It amends no fewer than 12 laws and cannot be examined hastily or treated lightly. Unfortunately, this same bill is potentially rife with infringements on privacy and rights and freedoms.
While the Bloc Québécois does support Bill at this particular stage so it can be studied in committee, where members can hear from experts, groups and affected individuals, we need to be clear that we will not accept any expedited procedures, gag orders, short studies or any other such strategies intended to force it down our throats. The bill is 130 pages long, and it is complicated and technical. It contains many more questions than answers. We have to get this right.
Let me start with the immigration aspect of the bill. Bill C‑2 gives the minister more control over asylum claims, allowing him to further consider all asylum claims, even if they have been deemed admissible by officers. The minister must authorize all claims before they are sent to the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada. The minister also has the power to determine if an asylum claim has been withdrawn. It is therefore up to the minister to set the requirements through regulations.
Additionally, the minister and the minister's staff will no longer be required to appear before the Refugee Protection Division. That is a major change.
Bill C‑2 also stipulates that claimants will have to be in Canada to have their case heard. While we understand why the bill gives the minister the power to suspend or refuse to consider permanent and temporary resident visas, work permits and study permits, and while we welcome the intention behind these expansions of power, it is imperative that an in-depth study be conducted to determine whether there will be any consequences on permanent residents selected by Quebec. Given Canada's tendency toward increasing centralization, we have every reason to be skeptical.
Furthermore, we are pleased that Ottawa has finally listened to reason on the infamous 14-day loophole. What is the 14-day loophole? It is the idea that people who have entered through a route other than an official border crossing can file a claim if they are not caught during the first 14 days after crossing the border. This exception obviously encourages people to cross the border illegally. It is being removed, ensuring that such individuals would instead be deported.
The section on enhancing border services powers is full of good intentions, but chances are that the understaffing will undermine Ottawa's efforts. Let us talk about intentions. Transporters and warehouse operators are required to provide access to their facilities to allow Canada Border Services Agency officers to inspect goods destined for export. That is a good idea.
The bill would also add security-related activities to the Coast Guard's mandate, allowing it to conduct patrols and share information. That is not such a bad idea either. They also want better sharing of information by the RCMP concerning sex offenders and to change the legal threshold for disclosing information gathered in the national sex offender registry. The problem is knowing how to apply all that. The bill is full of good ideas, but the mandates it seeks to expand are those of institutions that are having a hard time recruiting and also retaining their employees.
In its election platform, the Liberal Party promised to hire 1,000 more RCMP officers, as well as 1,000 more CBSA officers, no less. How is it going to do that? We do not know. According to the Customs and Immigration Union, the same union that is rarely consulted when Ottawa is preparing yet another costly fiasco at the border, in order to fulfill its mandate, the Canada Border Services Agency would require nearly 3,000 additional officers. Without these hires, any real strengthening of border security will remain wishful thinking. Ottawa also needs to allow CBSA officers to patrol between ports of entry, which does not require a legislative amendment, only a regulatory change. That alone could help, and it is also very easy to do.
The biggest problem has to do with privacy, rights and freedoms. We do not yet know if they will be respected. Ineffectiveness is one thing, but this could lead to people being unjustly deprived of their freedoms. For any society, the balance between security and freedom can sometimes be precarious. Fighting crime obviously means giving law enforcement the tools it needs to do its job. We have no issue with that principle.
However, we have reason to fear that the bill could lead to security overreach. Nowadays, surveillance of everything we do is steadily increasing. Simplifying procedures is one thing; implementing an extremely intrusive provision is another. Would this give law enforcement the right to open people's mail, as some have suggested? We know the bill would require electronic service providers to support the investigations of law enforcement agencies and the Canadian Security Intelligence Service, or CSIS, by responding to their requests and intercepting information and communications. It also allows a bank, credit union or insurance company to collect and use an individual's personal information without their knowledge or consent under certain circumstances. These are just a few examples.
Are these provisions justified in some cases? Are groups and civil law experts right to be concerned? We have been hearing a lot of concerns and a lot of perspectives. I want to emphasize that. Is the balance between increased security and the protection of freedoms being upset in favour of the former and to the detriment of the latter? There is no way to be sure at this point, but there are, as they say, red flags. There is reason enough to worry, even though we agree with the principle of the bill, which addresses a need that should have been addressed a long time ago.
This massive bill raises more questions than it answers. One thing is certain: it warrants serious, in-depth study before we can determine whether the bill can and should be improved and, of course, whether it should be passed in the end. This circumstantial support should not be seen as a blank cheque. We will be keeping a close eye on things.
:
Mr. Speaker, I am on my feet today to talk about Bill because I strongly feel there is a balance to be struck between public safety and the safety of our collective community in Canada and of our country, and the safety of individual rights.
I think everybody in this House wants to go after child sex offenders transnationally. We want to make sure that law enforcement is modernized and has the tools it needs to go after bad guys. All of us want to crack down on money laundering, stop the cash flow of organized crime and deprive organized criminals of their illegal profits. We want to stop auto theft and ensure that our vehicles remain within our country and are not exported abroad and sold. We want to make sure that drug production comes to a halt. We want to make sure that fentanyl is not going between borders and, most importantly, is not ending up in the hands of the vulnerable communities all across Canada that suffer for it. At the same time, though, we want to make sure the majority of Canadians do not suffer for our collective safety.
That balance is what this debate is all about, and that balance is what I am hoping the discussion at committee will be about. I am willing to support this bill to ensure that collective Canadian safety is paramount to where we are going with it, but at the same time, providing safeguards to individual Canadians is just as important. We want to make sure that we are not only collectively safe, but individually safe.
A number of concerns have been raised about this bill, but I want to talk about some of the positive things that have been brought about. For example, the Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police has said:
Canada lags behind its international law enforcement partners in the ability to lawfully access electronic evidence associated to criminal activity. Transnational organised crime groups are exploiting this gap to victimize our communities across the country through serious crimes such as human, drug and firearm trafficking, auto theft, and violent profit-driven crime.
These are serious things, and we need to equip our law enforcement, as they are dealing with and protecting our borders and our communities.
The association goes on to say:
The proposed Bill demonstrates a commitment to modernizing legislation and equipping law enforcement with necessary tools to combat transnational organized crime in an increasingly complex threat environment. In particular, the Bill sets out several important law amendments which will address systemic vulnerabilities within the justice system, providing critical tools for law enforcement, border services and intelligence agencies.
I think those are very important pieces to this legislation.
A number of issues have also been raised by civil society. However, I will first address some of the items this bill would and would not do that have been sensationalized and perhaps used to misinform the public.
There have been talks about a ban on cash transactions over $10,000. However, if we read the bill, specifically part 11, line 136, and the exemptions for section 5 of the Proceeds of Crime (Money Laundering) and Terrorist Financing Act, we see that there are exemptions for financial institutions, credit unions, etc., that would allow legitimate activity to happen. The intention of this bill is to go after the clandestine or nefarious nature of a money transfer.
There is another claim, which I have heard members talk about in the House today, about our mail being opened. Under our current law, that is already allowed. However, the bill would remove the section on exempting our letters so that it not just about our parcels.
When we talk about reasonable suspicion as a ground to open mail, I have some concerns about that, but ultimately, when we are talking about giving discretion to our law enforcement officers, the people we trust to hold office, that discretion needs to be honoured and valued. It also needs to ensure there is no systemic bias within that process. Somebody from a specific country should not be targeted, nor should they raise the reasonable suspicion of a mail officer or border officer. There are many other ways to do that.
One major concern that has been raised is with respect to privacy, an issue of our time. It is not just about the privacy that we have regarding our phones and data tracking at the border. It goes across all ways. It goes across how we use our social media, how our Internet use is sold to third parties, how it is used to advertise and how it is used to basically figure out a pattern of who we are as people.
There needs to be a deeper dive not just at the border, but all across the digital world we live in here in Canada. Where is our information stored? Who is it shared with? Where Bill addresses a part of that, I think we need to go a little further and expand it, perhaps in different legislation, to look at how we are protecting Canadians' data and their privacy, regardless of where they are within the country. That is a very important aspect of providing safety to Canadians.
One part that does trouble me a bit is about sharing the data of Canadians with international partners. I think that, yes, we absolutely have obligations to our allies and partners, whether it is the Five Eyes, NATO or other partners, but first and foremost, we need to decide how we are going to protect Canadians and what our international obligations are with respect to privacy and human rights, and make sure that Bill conforms to that as well. We have a very robust judicial system that will eke out exactly how we need to ensure this is regulated.
I realize that I only have two minutes left. I have a lot more to say, but I want to reinforce that this whole debate is not about the technicalities of the bill per se. I think it is a broader conversation about how we balance our need for public safety and security against our individual rights as Canadians.
The majority of Canadians are strong, law-abiding, friendly, amazing people, and they should not have their rights stepped on because of a few nefarious actors. Having said that, we need to explore a little further what the balance could be between the very legitimate and well-founded concerns that civil society organizations have raised and the needs of our country and law enforcement with regard to safety and security.
I find it to be an amazing step forward for our to say that we will have over 1,000 new CBSA officers providing resources on the ground for border safety and security, trying to combat drug trafficking, sex trafficking and money laundering, and trying to clamp down on organized crime. However, I also want to make sure that our laws are fit for purpose and that individual Canadians are well respected per their rights in our charter and Constitution.
:
Mr. Speaker, Conservatives have always stood for the principle of security and the principle of freedom, and we have managed to do so simultaneously. These are the two pillars of a safe and prosperous society. Sadly, though, after a decade of Liberal governance, Canadians are living with less of both: less freedom and less security. The Liberals would like to move past their disastrous record on these topics, but Canadians are still paying the price and therefore very much paying attention and have some significant concerns.
Today, with Bill , the government is claiming yet again to secure Canada. The Liberals have said that this is the intent of the bill. I would like to explore that a bit, because there are two problems that I see with the bill. I would say that it would neither make our communities safer nor protect our freedoms, and it would actually deepen the failures of the current government from the past decade.
There are two things. The bill claims to enhance security, but it would actually leave glaring holes in our justice system untouched, therefore leaving a person feeling less secure than ever. I will expand on that. The second thing I would like to discuss is the fact that it would infringe on the fundamental freedoms of Canadians in ways that should alarm each and every one of us in this place.
With regard to security of person and the justice system, let us be clear: Bill is the Liberals' half-hearted attempt to patch over the chaos that many of their policies have actually created. Sadly, Canadians have been truly, not figuratively, paying for those mistakes with their lives. We are told the border is secure, yet the CBSA has lost track of nearly 30,000 people with deportation orders. That is not security; that is negligence. In Falkland, B.C., authorities uncovered the largest, most sophisticated drug superlab in Canadian history in just the last couple of years. In the same province, the RCMP arrested individuals tied to a transnational organized crime group connected to Mexican drug cartels. This is the state of our country.
These are not isolated incidents. They are the product of years of border mismanagement and reckless drug policy experiments that have been done, especially in the province of British Columbia, which the government not only stamped with approval but also funded. That same failed experiment actually resulted in the death of more people due to drug overdose than died during World War II. Let that sink in for a moment: More people died because of the government's failed drug experiment than the number of people who died in World War II. That is a big deal.
Meanwhile, we also have to look at catch-and-release policies and what they have done, because they have sown great chaos across the country. My own riding of Lethbridge has one of the highest property and violent crime rates in Canada, and we are certainly not alone. It is something being experienced in communities from coast to coast.
In Welland, Ontario, just a few weeks ago, a three-year-old girl was violently sexually assaulted in her own bed. A little girl should be able to go to sleep at night with confidence that she is going to be kept safe, that she is going to wake up in the morning without her sleep being disrupted in any way. Unfortunately, because of our weak policies in this country, that three-year-old woke up having been forever changed, and she now has to work through the scarring that has taken place, not only to her physical body but to that little three-year-old heart. That is because of the failed policies of this place.
Folks, more can and should be done in order to make sure that a person is secure. Yes, sure, put more border patrol in place, but at the end of the day, there is so much more. In Kelowna, B.C., Bailey McCourt, a 32-year-old mother of two, was beaten by her ex with a hammer after he got released on $500 bail. That did not have to happen. Folks, if our justice system were stronger, if it stood for victims and did not side with criminals, these things would be prevented.
These tragedies expose a massive weakness in our justice system, and it is one that desperately needs to be addressed. The government has not only the opportunity but, I would dare say, the responsibility.
There are solutions, and I want to outline two of them. We have dozens that we can offer, but these are two of them. One would be bail reform. There are cases like that of Bailey, who was the mother murdered by her ex. He should not have been allowed out on bail. It highlights a massive problem with our bail system, the fact that a criminal can be put in jail and then let out before the ink on the police report even dries. That is what happened here. This man, a very dangerous offender who was known to police, went out and took the life of his ex-wife, leaving two young children without a mom, and a family grieving.
We have put forward a bill called the jail not bail act, and it calls for the repeal of Bill , which forces judges to release offenders at the earliest opportunity and under the lightest conditions. That should not be the case in this country. The bill we are proposing would instead require judges to consider an accused's full criminal history, deny bail to repeat major offenders and toughen risk assessments, which would do a lot of good for victims and innocent Canadians. It would certainly do a lot of good to put criminals where they belong.
The other reform that we could bring forward is sentence reform. We have to confront the fact that our sentencing laws in this country are very broken. In Canada today, the maximum penalty for a third robbery offence is higher than the penalty for a sexual offence. I am going to say that again. Right now in this country, the maximum penalty for a third robbery offence is actually more than for a sexual assault offence.
I want us to think about that for a moment. Physical property in this country is actually given more weight, more value, than a person's dignity. Most often, it is women who are sexually assaulted. It is women who are put in that vulnerable place, that place of having to pull themselves together and heal from what was robbed: their very dignity and their very being.
It is also worth noting that our system allows for violent offenders to actually receive house arrest rather than be put in prison where they belong. How does that protect society? How does that protect those who are just trying to go to work, take their kids to sports or a music lesson, and live life in a safe, law-abiding manner? Why are we not standing up for those folks?
Colleagues, we need tougher, more consistent sentencing that reflects the gravity of the crime committed. Canadians deserve this. When we talk about the security of a person, these are the things that must come to the table. Under Bill , none of this is considered. In fact, in the six or seven months that the government has now been in place under the new , the topics I am bringing up today have not even been addressed. They have not even been acknowledged.
This summer, it felt like every other hour I was opening up my phone and reading an article with regard to a crime committed against another human being. There was another life lost or another person assaulted. It should not be that way. Those in this House have the power, we have the power, to make a difference. We have the power to change the laws of this country and to instruct our law enforcement agents and the courts to act differently. We have the ability to contend for victims, to protect those who are innocent, and to truly provide security of person. When we talk about Bill , there is a whole lot missed there.
I said originally that I was going to talk about security of person, and I was going to talk about the violation of human liberty that is also exposed in this bill. Out of passion, I have run out of time, but I think I have hit my mark. Ultimately, it is the people who matter most. They are the ones who sent me here. They are the ones I am contending for, and I would ask that my colleagues do the same.
:
Mr. Speaker, Conservatives are ready to support provisions in the bill that are in our national interest and secure our borders while proposing amendments by which the bill can be improved and opposing measures that go against the best interest of Canadians.
Before I get into the specifics of the bill, it is very important to note that much of the urgency surrounding the legislation is the direct result of 10 years of Liberal inaction on border and immigration enforcement. Let us not forget it was the new Trump administration that actually forced this issue, causing the Liberals to finally take these concerns seriously. It was about time.
Through the introduction of the bill, the Liberals are trying to address problems they not only created but also allowed to reach a crisis level. Conservatives have been calling for a stronger response to public safety, border security and immigration for years. I am pleased to see that some aspects of Bill take meaningful steps in helping to streamline investigations, fight money laundering and ensure sex offenders are dealt with properly under the Sex Offender Information Registry Act.
Having the appropriate tools is critical in keeping our borders secure, disrupting illegal financing and fighting transnational organized crime and fentanyl.
Part 2 attempts to begin to address the fentanyl crisis by proposing to amend the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act to fill a loophole in the act. It proposes to do this by banning precursor chemicals for fentanyl, which is critically important.
However, Bill fails to address the serious matter of appropriate sentencing for fentanyl dealers, for example, given the Liberals' failure to repeal their soft-on-crime bill, Bill , and their catch-and-release legislation in Bill .
Part 4 of Bill would expand the powers of Canada Post, allowing it to open anything during post. While I agree that the Canada Post Act requires some amendments, the searching and opening of mail should be limited to law enforcement agencies with judicial authorization.
I remain concerned that some of the sweeping changes embedded in this omnibus bill could undermine privacy protections across Canada.
Having a secure border means having a strong, robust immigration system that serves the needs of Canadians and aligns with our national interests. Parts 6 to 9 of Bill attempt to address some of the challenges our immigration system faces after 10 years of Liberal mismanagement.
I strongly believe that the role of government is to protect our national security. We must ensure that our national security apparatus and law enforcement agencies have the legislative tools necessary to do their jobs and do them well.
Part 6 of the bill introduces amendments to the Department of Citizenship and Immigration Act and the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act to allow information sharing between various government departments and agencies, but only if a written agreement exists.
I applaud the opening of communication between federal agencies, but the bill would permit these activities through regulation rather than simply legislating that requirement. The absence of legislating it and having enforcement mechanisms casts doubt on whether meaningful action would follow or whether this would be yet another empty promise.
Parts 7, 8 and 9 of Bill include proposed substantial changes to the in-Canada asylum claim eligibility. It would expand the minister's authority to suspend or cancel immigration documents for reasons determined to be in the national interest and proposes changes to the safe third country agreement so that anyone who crosses the border between official ports of entry would be ineligible to apply for asylum immediately after arrival and could be returned to the United States during that period if they do not qualify for an exception.
All of these proposed changes are significant and have potential, but they require in-depth study to ensure they address the problems appropriately.
Beyond immigration, Bill , in part 10 and part 11, contains provisions to crack down on money laundering, terrorist financing and organized crime. Part 10 proposes to increase penalties and replace optional FINTRAC compliance agreements with a mandatory regime. It would expand FINTRAC's registration to include more entities and would authorize FINTRAC to share information with Elections Canada.
These are all sound proposals. However, in part 11 of the bill, the Liberals are proposing to ban certain entities from accepting third party cash deposits, any cash payments, donations or deposits of $10,000 or more. While I appreciate that the government says its intent here is to prevent money laundering by criminals, who predominantly use cash, without further legislative clarity, this has raised concerns from charities, community groups, rural communities and many individuals who rely on cash for their daily business activities.
The provision would risk limiting Canadians' freedom to use legal tender, including cash, as they may choose. Conservatives oppose any move to ban cash or require mandatory digital transactions, and believe that these changes must undergo rigorous scrutiny at committee.
Parts 14 and 15 of Bill have introduced measures which would curtail individual freedoms and have raised concerns that innocent individuals, not just criminals, may be caught by the provisions of the bill. The bill would introduce provisions to provide greater authority for police, CSIS and authorized persons to access online subscriber information from electronic service providers without the need for a warrant. I understand that this is important in some circumstances, but I believe that digital privacy is a fundamental right of Canadians, and we must ensure that the legislation would not lead to law-abiding citizens' being treated like criminals.
While action on our borders and the need for increased national security enforcement is desperately needed, I want to be clear that I do not support granting excessive, unchecked powers to government or law enforcement, in most circumstances, without due process, proper oversight and respect for Canadians' rights. Conservatives are concerned about Bill 's potential impact on Canadians' privacy and freedoms, and we will ensure that they are respected. As I have mentioned, Bill is sweeping in its scope, and I do not believe that Canadians should have to choose between having a secure border and having their civil liberties protected.
Given the scope and complexity, Conservatives are proposing that Bill be split into two separate pieces of legislation: one confined to border security and immigration, and the other to everything else. My hope is that the Liberals will receive that as intended. Like most Canadians, we all want secure communities and borders, and immigration that works, and the safety and security of Canadians is not negotiable.
Bill is a step in the right direction, like cracking down on terrorist financing, but we have concerns, and we oppose other provisions in the bill. The bill needs to be scrutinized. My hope is that the Liberals are open to non-partisan co-operation in ensuring that the bill achieves the stated goal of meaningful improvement to Canada's public safety and national security while safeguarding Canadians' rights and freedoms so that law-abiding Canadians are not treated like criminals.
:
Mr. Speaker, I would like to talk about a few things that the bill fails to address, which are fentanyl sentencing, gun crimes and bail reform.
I would like to start by sharing some alarming facts. According to Health Canada's latest figures, there was a total of 49,105 apparent opioid toxicity deaths reported between January 2016 and June 2024. Of all accidental apparent opioid toxicity deaths from January to June 2024, 79% involved fentanyl. The percentage has increased by 39% since 2016 when national surveillance began. Fentanyl and its analogs were involved in 33% of opioid-related poisoning emergency department visits from January to June 2024. The percentage of all opioid-related poisoning emergency department visits that involved fentanyl and its analogs has increased by 106% since 2018 when national surveillance began.
The Washington Post reported in December 2023 that fentanyl super labs in Canada are producing mass amounts of the drug. The super labs that police are finding in Canada differ because they are synthesizing the drug, not simply pressing pills, using precursor chemicals sourced primarily from China.
In August 2023, the Hamilton Police Service, the OPP, York Regional Police and the Toronto Police Service shut down a number of fentanyl labs in various areas between the GTA and Hamilton. This included two different labs and 25.6 kilograms of fentanyl. When the Liberals passed Bill , they eliminated mandatory jail time for trafficking, producing, importing and exporting drugs like fentanyl. The current penalties in the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act are so weak that organized crime groups are not deterred at all. They simply view them as a cost of doing business.
Conservatives want tougher sentencing measures to ensure that those who mass-produce and traffic fentanyl in mass quantities serve a mandatory life sentence, as murderers do right now. The DEA found that just two milligrams of fentanyl can cause an overdose that leads to death. Producing fentanyl in mass quantities should be treated the same. In June, in my city of Hamilton, police executed a warrant and not only found an illegal handgun, surprise, surprise, but also seized 35 grams of fentanyl. If it had been in its pure, uncut form, that amount could have taken the lives of 17,000 people. Hamiltonians deserve to be protected from those who wish to wreak havoc and take the lives of others. We have had enough.
The second issue Bill does not address is violent firearms offences. In Hamilton alone, there have been 86 shootings in the last 20 months. On April 17, an international student studying at Mohawk College was shot and killed by a stray bullet while simply waiting for the bus. On July 17, in broad daylight and at the intersection of one of the busiest business districts during a popular street festival in Hamilton, an innocent 26-year-old refugee from Ghana was murdered by a 17-year-old drive-by shooter.
On July 29, in my hometown of Stoney Creek, two separate shootings took place just minutes apart, one of which occurred mere steps from one of our local councillors. On August 30, three people were injured after a gunfight broke out in downtown Hamilton. People ran for their lives as 80 shots were fired. Clearly, if the Liberal government opened its eyes, it would see that Canada is in desperate need of reform for violent firearms offences. How many more innocent bystanders need to be murdered in cold blood for the government to wake up and reverse course? Firearms crime is up 130%.
The statistics speak for themselves, and even though this number has increased for nine consecutive years, the Liberals repealed mandatory prison time for the following: using a firearm or imitation firearm in the commission of an offence, possession of a firearm or weapon knowing its possession is unauthorized, possession of a prohibited or restricted firearm with ammunition, extortion with a firearm and robbery with a firearm. As I said, the Liberals repealed the mandatory minimum sentences for these crimes.
The third issue that Bill does not address is bail reform. In 2019, the Liberals introduced Bill , which requires judges to prioritize releasing an accused person at the earliest opportunity and on the least onerous conditions. Why are we not prioritizing the victim or the safety of law-abiding citizens?
A Hamilton individual was released on bail after a string of armed robberies this spring. He has now fled his residence, and the police have completely lost his whereabouts. Conservatives are calling for jail, not bail. The Liberals' soft-on-crime policies have put Canadians in danger. For example, total violent crime is up 50%, total homicides are up 28%, auto theft is up 45%, human trafficking is up 83% and total sexual assaults are up almost 75%.
The Hamilton Police Service had to release a statement of warning to the public after a 22-year-old repeat violent sexual offender was released on bail. This individual forcibly entered the home of a 72-year-old Hamilton woman and sexually assaulted her for one hour. Through DNA findings, he was later connected to a 2022 and 2023 sexual assault claim. Why was he let out on bail?
Bailey McCourt, a young mother we heard about earlier today, was murdered by her ex-husband just hours after he was released on bail for assault. My constituents and I lose sleep at night thinking about how insanely off path this country has gone in terms of protecting its citizens. The statistics are right in front of the government's face. Crime is on the rise, but despite the facts and figures, the Liberal government has repealed and softened its sentencing and bail measures. It is appalling and completely unacceptable and it must change.
The most disturbing statistic to me is that total sexual violations against children are up 120%. A 25-year-old man from Welland, not far from my riding and in my colleague's riding, got an early release from jail in March after serving time for sexually assaulting a 12-year-old boy. Five months later, he forcibly entered a home and sexually assaulted a three-year-old girl. As a father of young children, I am haunted by these stories and these statistics. I can only hope that the Liberals understand that we must protect the innocence of children at all costs.
:
Mr. Speaker, I have to say, it is highly disturbing that I am again obliged to call out the government's glaring violations of Canada's Constitution, including international covenants to which Canada is a signatory, in Bill , the so-called strong borders act.
This is the second occasion where the Liberals have presented a piece of legislation that would provide government with sweeping executive powers. In fact just before summer adjournment, the NDP had to hold the Liberals accountable for how Bill undermines the Constitution.
Now we are here today debating Bill , a bill that would disregard constitutionally enshrined rights, undermine civil liberties, criminalize migrants and asylum seekers, and bypass Parliament and public debate. Who are the Liberals targeting? They are targeting marginalized communities.
Just like Bill , Bill is an omnibus bill. It is vague and dangerous. The NDP is once again calling out an undemocratic power grab.
It is clear that the measures are meant to appease Trump, which is the opposite of what the current campaigned on. Do not just take it from me; the said the Liberals carefully crafted Bill to address Trump's “irritants”, lifting up disinformation that Canada is causing America's fentanyl crisis, appointing a fentanyl czar and enacting draconian border policies that terrorize migrants and refugees and result in the detaining of citizens. That is the American administration the current Prime Minister is lifting up.
According to the Migrant Rights Network:
[the Prime Minister] campaigned on being different from Donald Trump, yet his very first bill is a shameful capitulation to racism and xenophobia, which abandons Canada’s legal and moral obligations to refugees and migrants. We’re witnessing the deliberate expansion of a mass deportation machine designed to tear apart families and communities.
It is shameful.
I have to question the and the Liberal government. Are they going to keep undermining rights to appease a president who has demonstrated that he is erratic, or are they committed to upholding human rights? Are they, along with the Conservatives, going to keep entertaining the lie that immigrants are driving the housing crisis, when the real blame lies with landlords and profit corporations? As we have seen from extremist anti-immigrant and anti-migrant riots in Toronto, entertaining this violent rhetoric is no way to build a unified country.
This week, the called Trump a “modern man”, indicating he texts him regularly. Are we going to pretend that this “modern man” is a reasonable partner in protecting democracy, when he is using his ICE police force, the National Guard and the army to terrorize people, his very own citizens, as well as visitors, including Canadian citizens?
The bill goes beyond what the Liberals have tried to convince people across Canada it is, a bill to protect our borders. In fact, it would result in violating civil liberties and violating rights to privacy. In fact, through the legislation, the Liberals would be ushering in sweeping surveillance powers for police, intelligence and even vaguely defined “public officers” to enforce upon anyone in Canada.
In fact, if the bill is passed, these actors can, without a warrant, demand people's personal information from doctors, banks and landlords; track their locations, associations and service usage; open their Canada Post mail; and share their data with foreign governments such as the United States government. This is a violation of the right to privacy, a charter right that has been affirmed and upheld by the Supreme Court as an essential part of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
According to a letter sent to the government by 39 civil liberties and human rights groups, and 122 lawyers, Bill “is a multi-pronged assault on the basic human rights and freedoms Canada holds dear. It is likely unconstitutional, and deeply out of step with the values Canadians expect our government to embody and respect.”
This violation of privacy will be felt the most by those who are already the most impacted by oppressive systems: women, gender-diverse folks and the 2SLGBTQQIA+ community. Several organizations representing women and gender-diverse people, including Action Canada, have condemned the bill for allowing a range of powers for law enforcement to access private medical records on abortion history without a warrant, violating the charter-protected right to privacy that people throughout Canada possess with regard to health care services.
Even worse, Bill includes provisions for intelligence sharing with other countries, including the United States, which would allow authorities from jurisdictions where abortion or gender-affirming care is banned to find out whether a person has obtained these services in Canada. What happens when somebody comes from the United States, where some practices have been made illegal? Does Canada want to be involved in jailing people for exercising their human rights?
This legislation lacks a gender-based analysis. That has been made clear, full stop. It even fails to acknowledge the reality of survivors of gender-based violence. According to Action Canada, “Survivors fleeing gender-based violence abroad are learning about legal processes while living with profound trauma, often under the control of abusive partners who restrict their access to information and support. Imposing strict time limits on these most marginalized refugees”, for example, “ignores Canada's commitments to gender equality and safety.” That also applies to people fleeing intimate partner violence in Canada.
Under Bill , a survivor of violence can be endangered if their abuser or abusive partner, for example, is a member of law enforcement who, without a warrant, is capable of accessing information on their whereabouts and the services they use. However, we should not be surprised if the seems oblivious to the issue of gender-based violence; he plans to cut funding for women and gender equality by 81%, even though several municipalities have declared gender-based violence an epidemic.
I would be remiss if I did not add that Bill further advances the Liberals' attacks on those who oppose the government agenda, such as land defenders and workers. In fact, just last month, the Liberal government abused its power and its use of section 107 of the Canada Labour Code to violate the right to strike. As the Canadian Union of Public Employees has stated in regard to Bill C-2, “Trade unionists and activists know how surveillance can be used in attempts to limit labour and social movement fights for justice.”
The NDP will not stand for these infringements on our privacy and human rights. The NDP is calling for the bill to be withdrawn in its entirety. Let us not fall into the trap of undermining our Constitution, our human rights and the rule of law.
I am urging the Liberal government to withdraw this harmful bill and to put forward something that upholds human rights and truly ensures that people can live in security and safety.
:
Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to rise on Bill . I have been here almost 10 years, long enough to remember the Liberals in 2015 and their campaign promise of no more omnibus bills. Obviously, that promise, along with so many others, has been broken.
This is another example of an omnibus bill, with the government trying to squish everything into one large bill and jam it through Parliament despite very valid concerns expressed by quite a few people in the House today. They have tried to paint Conservative, Bloc and NDP members as not co-operative if we disagree with one part of this massive omnibus bill.
Bill reminds me, like many other government bills, of Seinfeld. This one specifically reminds me of a Seinfeld episode where they did a play on the “Son of Sam”, David Berkowitz, except it was Newman, the post office man, playing the criminal. I think it was about killing his neighbour's dog. When Jerry and Elaine catch him, he asks what took them so long. That is the question I have for the Liberals. What took them so long?
We have had crime issues, border issues and immigration issues for 10 years, not just since the new government. It is not a new government. It is the same old, tired, corrupt, incompetent Liberal government that has been running things for the last nine and a half years. It is the same people who have been in charge for all these years and have done nothing.
Bill talks about finally bringing in controls over precursors coming in from mainland China, which are being used for fentanyl. It is not legislation yet; only now are the Liberals talking about it in a bill after almost 10 years. They are talking about strengthening the border, again after 10 years. They are talking about crime. We on this side have been bludgeoning the government over crime.
We heard earlier today my colleague from , in tears, going over a horrific crime inflicted on a Canadian, and the government says, “Just wait a bit longer. Didn't you hear? We're going going to bring in bail reform.” It brought in bail reform I think a year or two ago with Bill , which did nothing. However, now it is promising this again because it is a new government, not the old government. The new government will fix things, maybe.
As for money laundering, if we read Sam Cooper's book, it is about $128 billion a year in this country. I cannot talk about this year's budget because we will not see it, but in last year's budget, I think it was about $450 billion. If we think about that, money laundering is almost 30% of the value of our tax haul, and the government has done nothing for 10 years. I do recall that Sam Cooper's book identified several Liberals with their fingers in the till earning money off of money laundering, including one of their former MPs, who was linked to money laundering. Again, as Newman says to Seinfeld, what took so long?
When we ask this of the Liberals, they stand up and say Harper cut from CBSA.
Frank Caputo: Lamoureux never says that.
Kelly McCauley: I know; we would think that, but I actually brought receipts.
Mr. Speaker, this is just in the last couple of years. The , eight different ministers and six different parliamentary secretaries have stood here in this House and said this is about the Harper cuts. Members can see how many pages I have. Most of it is said by the member for . I am just going to read from them; they are not a prop. According to him, Harper cut a thousand jobs. Jennifer O'Connell, who is no longer with us thankfully, repeatedly said Harper cut 1,000 jobs and cut $400 million.
Let us just put that to rest once and for all. I am going to quote numbers from the government's own Treasury Board site. I brought this up before, and the member for said they were just statistics and they do not count, that what counts is what they say on that side. This is from the government's own websites: GC InfoBase, the Library of Parliament and the Treasury Board.
On full-time equivalents to CBSA, when the Liberals took over from big, bad Harper, there were 14,113 full-time equivalents with the CBSA. Two years later, under the Liberals, there were 13,707 full-time equivalents, so where was the cut? The cut was not under Harper. The cut was under the Trudeau Liberals.
On spending for CBSA, we saw, as I said, eight different ministers, including the former minister in charge of CBSA, who is now doing the free trade attempt with the U.S., stating that $400 million was cut by Harper. Well, in 2012-13, spending was $1.7 billion. The next year it was went up, under Harper, to 8.3%. The year after that, it went up 8.16%. Then the Liberals took over and what happened? The spending dropped 11% on the CBSA. Again, these are the government's own numbers. I know the Liberals are saying, “There are lies, damn lies, statistics and Treasury Board numbers,” but this is from the public accounts, from the Treasury Board. In 2016 and 2017, another full year into their mandate, it had dropped 18% from the Harper era.
Let us look forward. I quoted earlier Trudeau's election promise to end the omnibus bills. Let us look at the government promise from the last election. It reads:
Canadians deserve to feel safe where they live, play, work.... My government will hire thousands of new RCMP and CBSA officers to crack down on illegal drugs and guns coming from the United States, increase funding to prosecute violent criminal gangs [and let them out later], make bail laws stricter for home invasions....
Apparently, that is for those who fight back against home invaders.
Later, it reads, “Recruit 1,000 more RCMP personnel to tackle drug and human trafficking”.
What do the Liberal numbers show?
This is from the departmental plans, for those who follow the estimates process, which I think is one of us. Departmental plans forecast spending requirements as approved by the government three years forward, but also lays out the goals and priorities that justify spending to be approved by Parliament, should there ever be a budget.
Now, our current full-time equivalents is 31,743 for the RCMP, so a thousand more would be 32,743, but under Liberal math, planned full-time equivalents drops over the next couple years to 33,000. Next year it is going to be 33,076, and if we add 1,000, it goes to 33,632. Where is the rest of the thousand they promised?
For CBSA, it says, “Train 1,000 new CBSA officers”. Next year, the Liberals plan 17,289 dropping to 16,615 CBSA officers. Again, do not take my word for it. The and the new member of Parliament for , who replaced the scandalous other Randy, signed off on it. This is their departmental plans. These are their numbers.
Spending for CBSA is due to drop from $3.1 billion this year, dropping $200 million, so when we add in all the Liberal inflation, it is still dropping $200 million.
I asked earlier what took the Liberals so long, but I have to ask why they are pushing forward this fantasy world to Canadians. Why are they continuing with this bait and switch where they promise they are going to do this and then deliver that? It is another example of them believing, “Hey we announced it, and therefore, it is done.” Well, they announced more for the RCMP, but their own numbers show they are going to drop. They announced more for CBSA, but their own numbers show a drop. They have announced repeatedly that they are going to do something about crime, and the reality shows the other way.
We on this side do not believe anything the government is putting forward, and its own facts prove that.