(a) violent crime is up 55% under the Liberal government and repeat offenders continue to be released because of Liberal catch and release laws; and
(b) the Liberal government promised to pass criminal justice reform six months ago but has failed to do so;
in order to keep repeat offenders in jail and keep Canadians safe, the House is of the opinion that Bill C-242, An Act to amend the Criminal Code and the Department of Justice Act, also known as the Jail Not Bail Act, must pass and is committed to sitting extended hours, holding an expeditious committee study and undertaking such other procedural measures as may be necessary to pass it at the earliest opportunity.
He said: Mr. Speaker, I will be splitting my time with the hon. member for .
It is always an honour to rise in the chamber to fight for law-abiding Canadians.
The results are in on the Liberals' bail reform experiment, and they failed. They failed our victims. Their policies have failed survivors and their families. They have failed Canadians
If we look at the news headlines that Canadians are waking up to every single day, we see that they are tragic; they are heartbreaking. Extortions are running wild in our community. In Surrey, B.C.; in Peel; and in Calgary, business owners are scared. They are not even picking up calls from unknown phone numbers. We hear stories of broad-daylight shootings, of murders, including of a 70-year-old grandmother who went out to buy groceries and was randomly stabbed and killed on the street. There are violent carjackings. There are home invasions. Home is the place where we are supposed to be the safest; it is supposed to be our castle where we can be in peace to raise our family and live life. Now those areas are being targeted by repeat violent offenders.
Crime is up thanks to the Liberals' failed policies. Thanks to bills like Bill and Bill , they have allowed repeat violent offenders to terrorize our communities over and over again. It is thanks to their decisions and their policies.
The Liberals love to deny and to deflect, and to distract Canadians from their failed record, but they are responsible. In 2019 when they brought in Bill , they codified the principle of restraint, which clearly says that judges, justices of the peace and police officers will release on the least restrictive conditions and at the earliest opportunity. That is a decision they made; they took that action and they presented it to Parliament. Conservatives voted against it then, and we are against the principle today.
Every single day that goes by, 1,600 violent crimes happen in our country. If we do the math, that is almost one Canadian per minute who falls victim to violent crime in Canada because of the Liberals' failure to act, and Canadians are scared; they are terrified. They are afraid to go on an evening walk in their neighbourhood. There are seniors in Oxford County who cannot even go to the bank without seeing security and without being nervous. That is not the Canada my parents came to. That is not the Canadian dream newcomers or folks who have been living here for generations love.
It is the Liberals' policies that have let Canadians down, and the ironic part is that they said, and the said in his campaign, that they were going to take decisive action and that they were going to be making changes to the Criminal Code right away. However, it has been six months, and we have not seen any legislation come forward.
The Liberals keep talking about some magical bill for bail reform. “It's coming”, they say. Well, they did bail reform, and they failed, so we do not need any more Liberal bail policies. We need to scrap Liberal bail. We need to invest in making sure our frontline officers have the tools they need. We need to make sure the Criminal Code is reflective of today's realities, which is why last week I tabled the proposed jail not bail act.
I did the homework for the Liberals about the jail not bail legislation. I know they are struggling to put something together. The bill came together from consultation and support from right across our country, from Whitehorse, Yukon, all the way to the east coast. I, along with my colleague, the member for , and others from my Conservative team, have met with law enforcement and dozens of police unions. We have met with victim advocacy groups. I have met with the families of victims. I have sat at their tables and had conversations. They have cried because the situation is preventable. We did not have to be here today.
Our bill has feedback from Crown prosecutors and from defence lawyers, from the legal community. More importantly, thousands of Canadians are signing our petition demanding that the government finally wake up, end the madness and restore safe streets in our country again.
Our opposition day motion is important so we can pass Bill , the jail not bail act, as soon as possible. We want the Liberals to get out of the way, stop blocking safe communities, stop delaying, stop denying, stop chasing photo ops and media headlines, and instead focus on fighting crime for Canadians. We have seen this not just in the big cities; crime is now coming to rural Canada. Businesses are being affected. There is an economic cost. Emotional, social and security costs are being added on.
No one has seen this level of crime before. That is why my jail not bail act would repeal the principle of restraint that the Liberals brought in. We would introduce a principle of public safety as the primary consideration for bail decisions. Let us put the rights of law-abiding Canadians first, not the criminals like the Liberals have been doing for the last number of years.
My bill would introduce a new major offences category that would include violent crimes like arson, extortion, home invasions, carjackings and assaults on peace officers and that would become grounds for a reverse onus on the criminals to get bail. We would bring in legislation to add clarity to the Criminal Code to give judges the clarity they need by making it mandatory for judges to look at the criminal history of an accused person, for all offences.
We would change and tighten risk assessment when it comes to granting bail on secondary grounds. We would add new measures as tertiary grounds. If someone who has a long rap sheet or has been charged with and convicted of an indictable offence over the last 10 years is released on bail and caught again, there should be no bail. We would tighten the conditions for bail.
Right now in Canada, a criminal who has been indicted for a major offence can be a surety, can vouch for other criminals. We have seen that. Please tell me about that. There are criminals vouching for other criminals. How does that make any sense? A surety is supposed to be somebody who could support another person to make sure they stay out of trouble, but when there are criminals vouching for criminals, that is a problem.
Our bill is not about being partisan. We are asking for members' support and for them to put their partisanship aside and think about Canadians. The bill is a common-sense piece of legislation. It would protect Canadians. It would ensure that repeat violent offenders stay behind bars, where they belong, and it would restore safe streets in our communities once again.
:
Mr. Speaker, the government misled Canadians into believing that it was simply codifying language from the Supreme Court of Canada. The decision the Liberals were referring to was Antic, which basically reiterated the principles under the Charter of Rights and Freedoms that apply to people who are factually innocent, although charged with a serious crime. Justin Trudeau and his ministers said they were taking the language from Antic and applying it to the Criminal Code, but the decision from Antic never directed the federal government to do anything. It was a reminder about the balance that needed to take place every single day in every single courthouse in this country.
Justin Trudeau and his then justice minister, David Lametti, decided to make it one step easier for criminals. They introduced the “Principle of restraint” under section 493.1 of the Criminal Code, which said that regardless of the grounds for detention in the Criminal Code, the primary ground for release was whether the person was going to show up for court. The secondary ground was whether there was a protection issue for the public and a presumption that this person was going to incur further charges if released. The tertiary ground was to maintain the confidence of the public, depending on the severity of the charge.
Those three grounds worked, but Justin Trudeau and David Lametti decided to introduce the principle of restraint. That telegraphed to every judge and justice of the peace hearing bail applications to this day that they “shall”, which is mandatory language, “release...the accused at the earliest...opportunity and on the least [restrictive] conditions”. This was regardless of what the charge was or the carnage the charge had caused to the community or to the victim. It was regardless of the offender's criminal record, which may have shown a pattern of breaching court orders or committing that same offence again. It was also, get this, regardless of the number of outstanding releases that person might be on. This person, according to the Liberal government, was worthy of release. That is the origin of catch-and-release. That is the reason we have the problems that exist today.
I know the member for likes to turn everything into a partisan issue. To my colleague from Woodstock, I say that this particular bill and our arguments are not partisan, because community safety is not a partisan issue. Every member in the House represents constituents, and those constituents want to wake up in homes that are still safe, with windows that are still intact, doors that have not been broken in and vehicles that are still in the driveway, where their kids can play safely in the backyard and play street hockey on the streets and not be hit by stray bullets or invaded at night, as we are constantly seeing, day after day. That is what Canadians want, and that is why this is not a partisan issue.
The number one responsibility of the Liberal government is to keep Canadians safe. The member for says that the has a robust agenda he has promised Canadians, but this is a classic bait and switch. We heard these promises during the election; we heard the promises in the throne speech, and we have heard numerous members on that side of the House make promises that this is coming. However, here we are, seven months removed since the Prime Minister became the new prime minister of this country, and we are still waiting. In that time frame, people have died, people are fearful and people are being sexually assaulted or extorted at an alarming rate.
Let us look at the statistics. Because of Liberal bail laws, violent crime is up 55% since 2015. Firearms crime is up 130% because of Liberal bail laws. Because of Liberal bail laws, extortion has skyrocketed 330%. Because of Liberal bail laws, sex assault is up 76%. Because of Liberal bail laws, homicide is up 29%. This is why, if the Liberals do not want to exercise their number one responsibility, they should get out of the way and let us bring forth common-sense solutions to protect Canadians.
I brought a petition, which I was hoping was going to go viral across the country, this past July, calling for the immediate repeal of the principle of restraint, restoring safe streets and applying the principle of community safety, just like the member for has done in our jail not bail act. Since the middle of July, 60,000 proud Canadians, Canadians those members in the government represent, have signed my petition. For the last four years, the government has heard from premiers, mayors, presidents of police associations, police chiefs, victim advocacy groups, to do one thing: change your approach to bail, keep Canadians safe.
Here is the Liberal government's opportunity. If you want to clearly distinguish yourself, and remove yourself from the Trudeau legacy, here is your opportunity. Stand in support of the jail not bail act, or abstain from the vote, but please telegraph to your constituents, who I am sure are going to be watching our speeches today, and if they are not, I will certainly share it among all my followers across this country, that you will do your job. Stand up for Canada, stand up for safety, stand up for victims and put violent criminals where they belong, back in jail.
:
Mr. Speaker, as Secretary of State for Combatting Crime, I appreciate the opportunity to debate this motion. Public safety and our bail and sentencing laws play a critical role in the criminal justice system. These are some of the most important laws that are supposed to ensure not only that justice is served but also that Canadians are safe in their communities.
Over the past years, Canadians have raised legitimate concerns about violent crime and repeat offending. These concerns are real, and our government is working hard with law enforcement, Crown attorneys and other levels of government across this country to act on them. It is encouraging to see alignment between the Conservative opposition and the newly elected Liberal government when it comes to improving public safety, including through the adoption of stronger laws to build safer communities.
I have good news for my colleagues. The will be introducing legislation during this parliamentary session to comprehensively change parts of the Criminal Code and other aspects of the criminal justice system. These comprehensive changes would strengthen bail reform in this country, to have harsher, longer sanctions for violent offenders and to make sure we have the support to help keep communities safe with direct investments in law enforcement.
As set out in our 2025 electoral platform, our government is committed to strengthening the Criminal Code bail provisions to make it onerous to obtain bail for those charged with violent or organized crime related to auto theft, home invasion, trafficking in persons, human smuggling and drug trafficking. Our government is also committed to adding a requirement for courts to impose a firearms or weapons prohibition when granting bail to anyone charged with an organized crime-related offence.
Our government has committed to reforming Canada's sentencing regime to better address repeat and violent offending. More specifically, the 2025 electoral platform includes commitments to change the law to direct courts to give primary consideration to the principles of denunciation and deterrence when determining a sentence for anyone who has numerous convictions. That means courts would have to primarily consider a sentence that would deter repeat offenders. It includes commitments to broaden sentencing tools by allowing consecutive sentences for violent or organized crime-related auto theft.
The followed up on these electoral commitments when he agreed to strengthen the Criminal Code bail and sentencing laws during the June 2 first ministers meeting. Later that month, the also announced publicly that bail and sentencing reforms will be forthcoming this fall to address growing concerns of repeat and violent offending at all stages of the criminal justice process. Over the summer, the Minister of Justice, the and I undertook significant engagement with the provinces and territories, law enforcement and legal stakeholders alike to inform and develop these reforms.
Now, although looking to future solutions is important, it is equally important to look to the past and to properly understand our criminal justice system and the current state of the law. For example, despite a persistent narrative that former Bill was soft on crime, I want to highlight that it explicitly strengthened the Criminal Code bail provisions as they relate to intimate partner violence. Former Bill C-75 made it more onerous for individuals previously convicted of intimate partner violence to obtain bail. This change was based on research suggesting that victims of intimate partner violence face a higher risk of violence from their intimate partners after charges are laid. This was a critical step in recognizing the unique risks posed by repeat offenders in intimate partner violence cases and in ensuring that survivors are protected.
More recently, in 2023, Parliament unanimously enacted former Bill in response to a new and pressing challenge: growing concerns about repeat violent offending involving firearms and other weapons at the bail stage. The former Bill C-48 amendments were not developed in isolation. They too were the result of extensive collaboration with the provinces and territories. They also responded directly to calls for reform from premiers across the country.
Among other changes, former Bill created a reverse onus at bail to better address the heightened public safety risks posed by those accused of repeat violent offending with firearms and other weapons. That meant that violent offenders with firearms now had to prove they deserve bail, as opposed to the previous process through which the Crown was having to prove why someone should not receive bail.
This presented a significant change that reflected the seriousness of this type of offending and the need to ensure that the courts would turn their minds to the unique public safety risks that those charged with this type of offending might present. Former Bill also strengthened the intimate partner violence reverse onus. The bill expanded the reverse onus to also apply to anyone who had been previously discharged, and not just those convicted, of an offence involving intimate partner violence.
Before moving on to what the government has committed to doing, I want to address another area of criminal law that generates significant commentary: conditional sentence orders, or CSOs. A CSO is a sentence that allows an offender to serve a term of imprisonment in the community under certain conditions. They are only available when the sentence is less than two years and when the court determines that it does not pose a risk to public safety or conflict with sentencing principles. CSOs cannot be imposed for offences that involve mandatory minimums, terrorism, criminal organization offences with indictable minimums of 10 years or more, advocating genocide, torture or attempted murder.
The current CSO rules stem from former Bill , which was presented in 2022. This bill strictly made mention that courts may only impose CSOs when consistent with community safety and sentencing principles. CSOs must remain proportionate to the gravity of the offence and the offender's responsibility, and provide adequate denunciation and deterrent. The government has heard concerns that CSOs have been increasingly used for sexual offences in some lower courts. Even though appellate courts hold that they rarely represent proportionate sentences, our government continues to monitor the impacts of former Bill C-5 and will consider further refinements to ensure community safety and public confidence.
As crime evolves, so must our laws. This is why the will be advancing additional bail and sentencing reforms this fall.
I would now like to turn to an aspect of our bail system that often gets overlooked, and that is the matter of shared responsibility between federal and provincial and territorial governments. While federal legislation sets the laws governing bail, the effectiveness of our bail system depends largely on how it is administered. Provinces are responsible for appointing provincial judges and judges who conduct most bail hearings, who are in some provinces are called justices of the peace; overseeing the operation of police services, which are responsible for supervising individuals who are released on bail; and enforcing any conditions of release.
Provincial investments in community-based supports and supervision programs to reduce the risk of reoffending at the bail stage are also critical to ensuring that our bail system works as intended. Provinces and territories also hold the key to improving our understanding of bail outcomes. Right now, the provinces do not keep the bail data needed to ascertain whether our bail system is failing. Provincial leadership in improving data collection, and reporting is necessary to ensure effective evidence-based law reform at the federal level. It is an issue that I have brought up with every provincial representative I have met. Bail data will be crucial in understanding the fight against the cracks in our bail system.
In my speech so far, I have addressed several areas where reverse onuses have been imposed, such as cases involving firearm-related offences. We have yet to know whether that has had a positive impact or not. I fear, as we continue to make other reforms, that perhaps we may not understand fully whether they are having the impact Parliament intends.
Further to that, the provinces administer the bail courts. Earlier this year, Brampton mayor Patrick Brown, on behalf of Ontario's Big City Mayors, wrote a letter to the Province of Ontario sounding the alarm on cases being withdrawn, discharged or dismissed. It was almost over 50% of cases. This is shocking.
Highlighting the need for more Crown attorneys to try these cases more quickly, more judges to hear them and more spaces in jails to put criminals away is crucial. Comprehensive criminal justice reform must include all levels of government coming to the table and doing their part. We are ready to do our part and to work with the provinces and territories that are ready to do theirs.
The changes I mentioned will help with our immediate issues, but if we are serious about reducing crime and seeing improvements of public safety, we must look beyond our criminal law system as well. Public safety begins with prevention. It requires supporting our youth, investing in communities and addressing the social conditions, including poverty, addiction, mental health and housing. Bail reform is but one piece of the complex puzzle. Lasting change requires a broader commitment to equity, opportunity and support.
All orders of government must work together to build an effective justice system that distinguishes between those who pose a genuine risk and those who can be safely managed in the community. People in Canada deserve a justice system that protects them all. They deserve laws that are clear, consistent and effective. They also deserve a justice system that works and that is firm but fair. They also deserve a government that listens, responds and acts, and we will do exactly that.
I also want to make mention of the opposition finally showing a shred of common sense, though it is long overdue. In Bill , which is mentioned in today's motion, the Conservatives quietly removed the reckless American-style, far right, three-strike scheme they ran on in the last election. Empty slogans based on sporting rules will not foster a robust criminal system and keep Canadians safe. Canadians deserve real solutions that are guided by working collaboratively with law enforcement, attorneys and other levels of government. That is exactly what our comprehensive bill would do.
I pause here to comment on the way this motion is drafted. It claims that the Liberal government promised to pass criminal justice reform six months ago but has failed to do so. That is strange. Just last week, we introduced Bill , the combatting hate act, which includes targeted Criminal Code provisions to address hate crimes, which are on the rise. The bill passed second reading yesterday evening on a deferred division and is now heading to committee for further study.
Over the summer, the has been hard at work studying ways to improve our laws by consulting closely with his provincial counterparts, law enforcement, police chiefs and police associations. Meanwhile, the Conservative was busy fighting for his own job and then parachuted into Alberta, after being catastrophically rejected by Canadians across the country and in his own former riding of Carleton. However, it seems he has not learned any lessons from that rejection. He continues to act recklessly, prioritizing political posturing over meaningful, evidence-based criminal justice reform.
Let us reject slogans and oversimplifications. Slogans such as “jail not bail” may sound tough, but they do not get us any closer to solving the problem. Real solutions require real work. They involve strengthening laws, improving enforcement, investing in data, devoting resources to addressing the root cause of crime and ultimately building a justice system that works for everyone.
Let us embrace real solutions that are evidence-based, collaborative and grounded in the values of fairness and accountability. That is the path forward. That is the commitment of the government. That is what Canadians deserve and expect.
:
Mr. Speaker, I will be splitting my time with my colleague from .
Today we have before us a Conservative motion asking us to proceed with an expeditious study of a bill that attacks the most fundamental rights of our fellow citizens.
Who in the House protects every person's right to liberty? Who in the House protects every person's right to be presumed innocent until proven guilty under the law in a fair and public trial by an independent and impartial court? Who in the House protects every person's right not to be denied reasonable bail without just cause? We will do that. The Bloc Québécois will oppose this Conservative motion.
We have several reasons for doing so. Firstly, expediting the study of a bill that threatens our fundamental freedoms would represent a departure from democracy and a dereliction by the legislature of its duties, which we will fight against. Secondly, the Conservative bill also proposes some superficial amendments to the Criminal Code that would change nothing. Thirdly, the Conservative bill is inconsistent with sections of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, and as such it raises constitutional questions that call at the very least for serious study.
Before detailing our reasons, I would like to say a few words about the sense of insecurity that some of our fellow Quebeckers may be feeling and that the Conservative Party is trying to exploit. Of course, every time a crime makes the headlines, we are all shocked and outraged. When the news broke yesterday of the murder of a gangster who was gunned down in broad daylight in a Laval coffee shop, that was exactly our reaction.
It should be pointed out that when they are arrested, the suspects will not be released. The Criminal Code already stipulates that anyone charged with murder must remain in custody while awaiting trial. Still, the feelings of insecurity among some of our fellow citizens is understandable. We in the Bloc Québécois are proposing a number of measures to tackle criminal organizations, such as establishing an organized crime registry, similar to the terrorist entities list. This would make it easier to prove cases where a crime is committed for the benefit of a criminal organization. We also propose facilitating the seizure of assets by means of a reverse onus, to prevent the depletion of assets when an individual belonging to an organized crime group is arrested. In addition, we propose prohibiting criminal organizations from wearing their emblems or symbols. Right now, criminal organizations parade around with total impunity and actively promote their organizations.
We are calling for the creation of a specific offence to criminalize the recruitment of young people into crime. As we saw recently in Quebec, this has become the new modus operandi for organized crime. This is ruining lives and destroying families and we must get tougher with those who are exploiting our youth.
In response to legitimate security concerns, the Conservatives are calling for a jail not bail act. Some people might find this reassuring. However, imagine if a police officer arrests someone and accuses them of committing a crime. Even if this person says they did not commit the crime, they will be put into prison where they will spend many months in remand pending trial before they can prove their innocence. Does this still feel reassuring?
If the government puts more people in jail before they are found guilty, do people still feel more secure, or does that rather open the door to a new form of insecurity and the risk that one could end up in jail on trumped-up charges for a crime they did not commit? That is what the Conservative bill is all about. It is an attack on the right to liberty and the right to the presumption of innocence.
I would like to come back to my reasons. First, we are being asked to fast-track this bill. The motion actually calls for an “expeditious...study”. Obviously, we do not agree with that. We will not pass a bill that attacks our fundamental freedoms under closure. They will plead urgency, but if we fast-track a bill that will result in greater injustice rather than greater justice, can we really say we served the common good?
Second, certain aspects of the Conservative bill are nothing more than cosmetic changes. I will not get into the specifics. Nevertheless, I would like to point out that the bill seeks to amend subsection 515(10), which provides guidance for judges when determining whether or not to release an accused person. We are being told that public protection must be one of the criteria, but it already is. As I learned during my legal studies, normally, “Parliament does not speak in vain”.
For the record, but also to enlighten the House, subsection 515(10) of the Criminal Code already sets out the circumstances in which an accused may be detained. An accused is a person who has not yet been convicted. Anyone can see why it is important to have those criteria in place: charges may prove to be false. Sometimes the police receive complaints that turn out to be unfounded. It always comes back to the presumption of innocence. The basic premise of our criminal justice system is that the state must avoid perpetrating an injustice, even if that means some cases are not brought to justice. That is how our justice system works. It would rather prevent injustice than act too hastily.
The Criminal Code already stipulates that accused persons are typically released unless they are accused of serious crimes, in which case they can be detained. That is possible under the current system. We have to fight this idea that our system is a revolving door: arrest people, give them a slap on the wrist, let them go so they can commit more crimes and then see them again two days later. That is not how it works.
Subsection 515(10) states:
the detention of an accused in custody is justified only on one or more of the following grounds:
(a) where the detention is necessary to ensure his or her attendance in court
If the person is considered likely to flee from justice, they can be detained. That is already provided for in the Criminal Code.
(b) where the detention is necessary for the protection or safety of the public
It is already there. We are being asked to add something that is already there.
(c) if the detention is necessary to maintain confidence in the administration of justice, having regard to all the circumstances, including
(i) the apparent strength of the prosecution's case,
(ii) the gravity of the offence,
The Conservatives' bill also refers to this issue. They would like detention to become automatic for certain serious crimes. However, judges and Crown prosecutors already have all the necessary tools at their disposal under the Criminal Code to recommend detention for an accused, even if they have not yet been found guilty, when the charges are very serious. This is already possible when certain circumstances are met, such as the use of a firearm. These elements can be cited under the current system.
Paragraph 515(10)(c) also states:
(iv) the fact that the accused is liable, on conviction, for a potentially lengthy term of imprisonment.
The Conservatives' bill may be intended to reassure the public, but it has the potential to create injustice. In addition, it seeks to add elements that already exist in the Criminal Code.
In closing, it is important to note that the Conservatives' bill clearly contradicts some sections of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
Section 7 states:
Everyone has the right to life, liberty
Section 11 states:
Any person charged with an offence has the right:
(d) to be presumed innocent until proven guilty...
(e) not to be denied reasonable bail without just cause;
This bill raises a number of significant constitutional issues. Evidently, we will not be expediting it.
:
Mr. Speaker, the question raised by our Conservative colleagues' motion is of particular concern to me today.
The body of a young woman, Gabie Renaud, was discovered in my riding this week. I offer my deepest condolences to her family. I must say, I am shocked and dismayed by this incident. Her partner, the man who allegedly killed her, was on his 16th parole violation. I do not get it. I think we need to change the way things are done. This is unacceptable to me.
This is not the only case. Earlier today, I read that another woman in Saint‑Charles‑sur‑Richelieu was murdered yesterday. It is endless. We cannot just sit back and do nothing in the face of incidents like this. We have to get to work and find solutions. I am in.
What are the solutions? Our colleague from the Conservative Party is proposing one solution. I thank my colleague from for his intervention, which was just before mine. He said it very well. The bill has not yet been introduced. We cannot say at this point that we are in favour of a bill that we have not read, since it has not been introduced, but that should be introduced eventually and should close certain loopholes. It does not work like that. We must do things in the right order if we want to be effective. The Bloc Québécois cannot support the Conservative motion today. That being said, again, there is great concern, and it affects us all. We are deeply troubled by situations like this.
Now, I am not ready to give up on the principle of the presumption of innocence. I believe that it is essential in a free and democratic society. I would not want to live in a society where a person is presumed guilty until proven innocent. That happens in other parts of the world, but I do not want that here. The presumption of innocence may cause turmoil and suffering, but it is my humble opinion that we would have even more turmoil and suffering if the presumption of innocence did not exist. We should not get rid of it. As the saying goes, let us not throw out the baby with the bathwater. The bathwater does need to be changed, though.
My colleague from Gaspésie—Les Îles-de-la-Madeleine—Listuguj also spoke about criminal organizations. I have been in this House for 10 years, and I am about to table my third bill aimed at combatting criminal organizations by creating a registry of criminal organizations with associated consequences, such as a reverse onus for the seizure of property and a ban on support and displays of support for such organizations. It would be similar to the list of terrorist organizations, which is working well. We should copy that idea and use it to fight organized crime effectively.
It is true that femicides like the ones I was talking about are not related to organized crime, but this registry would be one way to fight crime.
With regard to religious exemptions, we saw such an incident again last year when a preacher was shouting something like, “Allah, kill all the Jews and don't spare a single one”. That kind of thing has absolutely no place in a society like ours. How can anyone look at that situation and decide that nothing can be done? Come on. That is our job. We need to address this.
We agree with the Jordan decision and the principle of trial within a reasonable time. I agree with that. It does not make sense for someone to wait 10 years to be found guilty or innocent of the crime they were charged with. There are strict time limits. The Supreme Court examined all that and introduced time limits in the Jordan decision. Yes, they must be complied with.
Unfortunately, the provinces do not have the money to comply. They do not have enough courtrooms, judges and personnel to hold trials within the time limits. More money must be invested in the justice system. I often say that too. Justice is the backbone of a society. If people are denied justice through the courts, they will take matters into their own hands. That will lead to anarchy. We do not want that either.
It is important to respect the Jordan time limits, but to do that, the federal government will have to appoint judges and fill vacancies within a reasonable time. That is something else we are going to tackle.
Money also has to be transferred to the provinces so that they can administer justice more fairly and be more efficient when it comes to laying charges and proceeding to trial. The federal government also has a part to play in that. The health transfers to the provinces are unsatisfactory, and the same goes for the transfers for education and justice. When is this going to be fixed? When are changes going to be made in the way money is spent here to ensure that it goes where it is most needed, namely to the management of provincial institutions like the health system, the education system and the justice system? All of that is important.
Concerning bail, a solution has to be found, as I was saying. I do not know the exact figures, but at least 90% of femicides are committed by men. That is shocking, shameful, disturbing, troubling, and any number of other qualifiers one may care to add. However, my colleague was right to say earlier that of all the clients he represented as a defence lawyer, not one of them had read the Criminal Code before committing a crime. I do not imagine anyone is surprised by that. It should be obvious.
Yes, we can add provisions to the Criminal Code, but above all, we must act. We must act by being more vigilant. Why are repeat offenders being released when the Criminal Code already states that public safety has to be taken into consideration in bail decisions? I have not read any of these cases in particular, but I am sure the judges are not stupid. If they decided to release these individuals, they must have had good reasons. I would be interested in finding out what they are, but there must have been reasons.
In that case, what can we do? We can, of course, tighten the criteria for release, but the question would be how to do that. The Conservatives want to invert the principle and switch from the presumption of innocence to the presumption of guilt. There has to be some space between the two. Reason should be able to navigate between these two principles. I encourage everyone to give this matter more thought.
There is also the issue of minimum sentences. Our Conservative colleagues keep coming back to this issue. As the Supreme Court has found, adding minimum sentences to just about everything in the Criminal Code is unconstitutional. The government had to backtrack on this matter. The previous government had to reverse what the government before it had done. I hope we will not be playing this game forever, constantly going back and forth depending on which party is in power. We need to find a reasonable path forward.
I have tried to make suggestions in the past. For instance, I proposed that when a minimum sentence is established for a certain crime in order to send a clear message to the public, courts should still have the option to choose a different sentence in exceptional circumstances. If, for any reason, a judge hears evidence during a trial and determines that a minimum sentence is not the most appropriate penalty, he or she could depart from that provision of the law. The judge could therefore waive the minimum sentence. That is one possible compromise, but not the only one.
I came up with a compromise, and I am not the only one with ideas. I am sure we can come up with others. We need creative solutions to move forward, instead of constantly going back and forth, which gets us nowhere and undermines public trust. It is certainly not the best way to convince criminals to stop committing crimes.
I have just said a lot in a short time. As I said, it troubles me and makes me uncomfortable when I see crimes like the ones that have happened this week. I am thinking, for one, of the unfortunate crime against Gabie Renaud in Saint‑Jérôme, in my riding of Rivière-du-Nord. It is so difficult. I feel completely useless. I cannot understand why we have not been able to make progress sooner and prevent situations like this. I hope we can work on it, but unfortunately, our Liberal colleagues will have to agree to revisit the principles they have established, and our Conservative colleagues will have to agree to revisit theirs. We must stop shifting from the presumption of innocence to the presumption of guilt. Justice and common sense must find a balance between the two.
:
Mr. Speaker, I will be sharing my time with the member for Cloverdale—Langley City.
I have to ask myself what we are even doing here, talking, talking, talking, when the measures that need to be taken are quite clear. Unfortunately, because of the dithering and the government that has been in power for the past 10 years, we now have laws that make our communities a lot less safe. Just ask the family of Gabie Renaud, who was brutally murdered in Saint-Jérôme a few weeks ago and whose body was just found. Just ask the family of Marylène Levesque, who was murdered in Quebec City five years ago by Eustachio Gallese while he was on unsupervised release. We are talking about numerous situations that could have been avoided, numerous deaths that could have been avoided.
The harsh reality is that right now, in Canada, streets that were once peaceful and quiet have become danger zones for too many families. Violent crime is up 55% under this Liberal government, and that figure is not a statistical abstraction, it is the horrendous reality of forgotten victims and broken communities. Homicides have increased by 29%, gun-related crime has more than doubled in many areas, and extortion is up 357%. We need only look at what is happening at restaurants in Montreal and Laval. They are being set on fire, and gangs are going in and extorting the owners, forcing them to pay protection money, known as pizzo. Nothing is being done to help these restaurant owners get out of this situation.
What is happening at the moment is no accident. It is the direct result of the laws put in place by the Liberal government. We have spoken at great length about Bill , which allows dangerous criminals to serve their prison sentence at home, and Bill , the bill that brings us here again today and that makes it far too easy to get bail. It is spelled out in the law. Judges do not even have a choice. Dangerous criminals are automatically released.
I am not even talking about what has been done in terms of managing parole. Members may recall that after the murder of Marylène Levesque in Quebec City, I got a motion passed asking the Standing Committee on Public Safety to investigate what happened at the Parole Board. The board had undergone a complete purge, particularly the members from Quebec, who were a bit too conservative for the government. They were replaced by new members who had very little experience, if any, and who were primarily chosen for their very left-leaning, very woke ideology. As a result, decisions were made, in particular the decision to release Eustachio Gallese on parole, as is the case currently with Jonathan Blanchet, the man who killed Gabie Renaud. This guy was arrested 30 times and released 16 times under certain conditions. However, he violated those conditions, yet there were no consequences. How can a person violate the conditions of his release 16 times and still be free? It makes no sense.
Once again, we are seeing an increase in crime. In Montreal, for example, assaults and domestic violence are on the rise. Across Quebec, sex crimes have increased by 20% in just two years. Child pornography cases have doubled. Organized crime is even spreading to the regions, recruiting young people into a brutal cycle that no one in this Liberal government seems interested in ending.
Today, we are debating a motion calling for Bill , the jail not bail act, introduced by my colleague from , to be fast-tracked. We are asking that the bill be passed immediately and sent to committee in order to speed up the necessary legislative changes.
We should keep in mind that the new has been in office for six months. During the election campaign, before he came to power, the Prime Minister said that his government would bring in changes quickly to get crime in Canada back under control.
What has happened over the last six months when it comes to crime and crime bills? Nothing, zip, nada.
I am sharing my time with my colleague, the member for , and I hope she will elaborate on that. We have some astonishing examples of problematic Liberal measures and promises made by a supposedly new government that was going to make a difference, but that is currently doing absolutely nothing.
We are not asking it to promise us the moon. We just want the government to stop. There are enough bills. We want the government to let us pass them quickly to bring about change. Bill can be dealt with if the House accepts it today. We can get that done and move forward.
The government is not doing anything even though we are ready to move more quickly to prevent more deaths. Right now, criminals on bail or parole are laughing their heads off and doing as they please. Who pays the price? It is victims of domestic violence, women who are scared to leave their homes. Even if they stay at home, criminals have no qualms about coming back to assault them or worse, kill them. That is not acceptable in 2025 in a country like Canada.
We went through problems a few years ago because of Bill , which introduced house arrest. The bill was intended to empty the prisons, and it was introduced by David Lametti, a former minister of justice who is going to become an ambassador, though I do not know to what country. Bill C‑5 was brought forward on the grounds that there were too many Black, racialized and indigenous people in prison. The intent was to narrow the scope of the Criminal Code so that fewer of these people would go to jail.
The first person to take advantage of Bill C‑5 after it came into force was a white man from Montreal who had committed aggravated sexual assault against his ex. Instead of going to prison, he got to sit at home watching Netflix. That is how things started, and the number of similar cases only grew. With Bill C‑5, Montreal's street gangs could rest easy. They knew that they would not go to prison if they were arrested but would instead get to stay at home doing whatever they wanted. We spoke out against this from the very beginning. We voted against the bill even before it was passed, and we said that it was not going to work. A few years have passed, and sure enough, we are now seeing the result.
Two and a half years ago, I tabled Bill , which aimed to reverse Bill C‑5. There were also provisions in Bill C‑325 requiring that criminal charges be brought against a person who fails to comply with their release conditions. Unfortunately, this was defeated by our Liberal colleagues, with support from the NDP.
I must compliment the Bloc Québécois, which initially supported Bill C‑5 but then realized its mistake. The Bloc Québécois voted with me in support of Bill C‑325. Ultimately, Bill C‑325 was defeated by the Liberals and the NDP. As a result, Bill C‑5 is still in effect.
There was Bill C‑5 and Bill . Today we are talking about the content of Bill C‑75. We are talking about the bill brought forward by my colleague from , Bill C‑242. It can be confusing when all these numbers are flying around, but what members need to understand is this. No one can understand how a person can be arrested and then be released three hours later to start committing crimes again. No one can understand why that law was enacted. That is the reason for Bill C‑242. We want to undo all of that and restore a justice system that is acceptable to and accepted by the population, who is asking for no more than that.
When we see women like Gabie Renaud murdered by a man who was charged 30 times and who violated his release conditions 16 times, it is impossible to understand how he was able to go and kill Gabie. It is unacceptable.
We are basically lending a helping hand to this government, which does not seem to have the time to change course quickly. In six months, nothing has happened. We are putting bills forward. My colleague from Oxford has tabled a bill. Today's motion asks that we expedite the process and send this to committee in order to protect Canadians.
:
Mr. Speaker, the number one responsibility of government is to keep its citizens safe: safe in their homes, safe in their businesses and safe in their communities. It is not partisan and not optional; it is fundamental, but right now that promise has been broken.
Under the Liberals' Bill , our bail system was rewritten. Judges were ordered to apply a so-called principle of restraint. That means repeat violent offenders, people who are known to police and who have a record of crime after crime, are put right back on our streets. It has left my community of Cloverdale—Langley City living in fear. Today, I want to share three stories, not from some faraway place and not from a textbook or report. These are stories from my own backyard of businesses, families and seniors who have paid the price for Ottawa's dangerous experiment with catch-and-release justice.
First, picture a wedding banquet. Families are gathered. Music is playing. Parents are dancing with their children. That is what a banquet hall is supposed to be: a place of joy and community. However, in Surrey, at the Reflections Banquet Hall, that joy was shattered. Instead of wedding bells, there were gunshots. Instead of safety, there was fear. The hall became a target of an extortion network that has been terrorizing South Asian businesses across the Fraser Valley.
In early June, the owner, Satish Kumar, received a voice mail demanding $2 million and threatening his family. Within days, shots were fired at three businesses connected to him. This is what organized extortion looks like: anonymous calls, threats against children or warning shots at the door if they do not pay. It is not just one victim. It chills a whole corridor of small businesses. Weddings get cancelled, bookings dry up and an entire community starts looking over its shoulder.
Here is the core failure: a legal environment that emboldens criminals. When the consequence for violent intimidation is a quick release, the message that sends is to keep going. Liberal Bill 's principle of restraint and Bill 's repeal of mandatory jail time for serious gun crimes, including extortion with a firearm, have combined to lower the cost of terror for gangs and raised the cost of living for everybody else. The banquet hall was not just a building; it was supposed to be a safe place for families while the law did not protect it.
Then there is the tragic story of Tori Dunn. Tori is not just a name in the newspaper. She is a daughter, a friend. She is one of us, and she was attacked brutally by a man who never should have been free, a man with a record, a man known to police, a man who, under any system that valued the safety of women and the safety of families, would have been behind bars, but because of Liberal Bill , he was not. He was out on bail, and Tori paid the price.
When I talk to people in my riding about Tori's story, they do not just shake their heads; they clench their fists and ask how this could happen and how our justice system could look at his record and set him free. She was 30, an entrepreneur, a daughter and a friend, and she was brutally killed in her own home in Port Kells in 2024. Her murderer, Adam Mann, was already facing eight other charges, including aggravated assault, from just a week earlier.
We do not need a law degree to see the pattern. The Liberals told the courts to restrain themselves, the courts complied, a dangerous man was back in the community, a young woman is dead and her family is left asking how a system could see the risk and choose release.
This is not complicated. When Parliament says to err on the side of release, people like Tori carry the risk. This is not just about Tori, though. It is about every woman who wonders if she is safe walking home at night. It is about every parent who wonders if their daughter will make it home. It is about whether the justice system values the safety of our families or the comfort of repeat offenders.
Let me tell members about something else that happened just down the road from my place in the heart of Langley. It was early morning, June 1, on the Fraser Highway. The sun had barely risen. A woman was standing by the curb, when out of nowhere she was shoved into the street. She fell really hard, and before she could even get her bearings, she was kicked and punched again and again. All of it was captured on video. This was not a scuffle. This was not a misunderstanding. It was a brutal, unprovoked attack. The man responsible, Hugh Mason, is no stranger to police. He is already known for violence and already known for breaching the law, yet he was there on our streets free to lash out at an innocent woman.
Here is what makes this hit home even worse for me. This was not just any street corner. This was steps away from the seniors home built by my own church community, the home where my grandparents lived. It is filled with seniors who worked a lifetime, who built this country and who should be able to walk outside without fear.
Imagine the conversations after that crime, with seniors asking their grandchildren to walk them to the pharmacy because they do not feel safe alone. That is not the Canada they helped build. That is not the promise they earned, yet here we are because a bail system tilted in favour of the offender gave another chance to a man who had already burned through all his chances, and because Bill , by the Liberals, told judges to restrain themselves, even when restraint meant danger for everybody else.
This is what catch-and-release looks like in real life. It is not just a line in a bill, but fear in the eyes of our grandmothers and grandfathers, our opas and omas. That fear, my friends, is something we have the power and the responsibility to end.
At the end of the day, this is not about politics. It is not about left and right. It is about whether a mom can walk her child to school without fear, whether a small business owner can open his doors without an extortionist calling at midnight and whether a senior, like our omas and opas, can sit on a porch without looking over their shoulder.
The Conservatives have put forward the jail not bail act, not because it sounds good on paper but because it puts people first. It says that public safety is the priority. It says that if a person commits a major crime, like pulling a gun, breaking into a home or assaulting their neighbour, they do not just stroll back onto the streets the next day. This bill would tip the scales back to where they belong. It restores balance. It protects victims. It puts common sense back at the heart of justice.
I say to the that if he is serious about restoring peace to our communities, he will back the bill. He will correct his , and he will reverse his party's failed bail laws, because Canadians deserve better than ideology. They deserve safety.
Let us do the right thing. Let us stand together. Let us pass the jail not bail act, and let us give our communities back their peace.
:
Mr. Speaker, I will be sharing my time with the member for Trois-Rivières.
[Translation]
I am pleased to speak today on issues that continue to impact the safety of our communities and the fairness of our criminal justice system, namely the operation and reform of Canada's bail system.
[English]
In recent months, communities across the country have voiced deep concerns about the ability of the criminal justice system to respond effectively to repeat and violent offenders. Let me be clear: These concerns are valid and they demand a serious, coordinated response.
That is why I welcome the opportunity to speak today not only about the federal government's past and ongoing efforts to strengthen bail laws but also about the collaborative work under way with provinces and territories, and the government's intention to table new legislation this fall.
[Translation]
I will begin by speaking about Bill , the jail not bail act, which was introduced by the member for . Bill C‑242 includes provisions to expand the reverse onus provisions for serious offences.
I am pleased to see that there is common ground between the Conservative opposition and our new Liberal government, which was elected on a promise to crack down on repeat and violent offenders. Our election promise responds to a concern shared by many Canadians that individuals who pose a serious risk to public safety should not be released without rigorous judicial oversight. It also reflects the desire to ensure that the bail system takes into account concerns about reoffending and violent offences that communities across the country have raised.
However, while Bill C‑242 aims to overcome fears that individuals who pose a risk to public safety will be released without judicial oversight, the way it is drafted raises serious concerns about whether these measures could actually be effective and whether they comply with the fundamental principles of justice and proportionality.
[English]
There seems to be one crucial element that is clearly missing from this bill. Frankly, I am, at the very least, relieved. It seems the Conservatives have finally opened their eyes because they have flip-flopped on the controversial “three strikes” proposal. This kind of rhetoric may score political points, but, in reality, it solves absolutely nothing. Everywhere it has been applied, particularly in the United States, it has failed and has been ineffective at protecting citizens or reducing crime. It seems the Conservatives have finally realized this, as they chose not to include it in their own bill, Bill .
However, this flip-flop raises fundamental questions. The Conservatives owe Canadians an explanation. They need to tell Canadians why they have changed their minds and publicly acknowledge that this proposal was not only misguided but also dangerous. Canadians deserve a clear answer. They deserve to know why an idea inspired by the far right in the United States, entirely incompatible with Canadian realities and our justice system, was ever even considered acceptable by the same people who claim to prioritize public safety and the public interest.
Therefore, I hope, following my remarks, a member of the opposition will rise and offer an explanation and perhaps even an apology to Canadians. Yes, they could offer an apology for even considering such legislation inspired by foreign, far right, extreme models rather than laws designed for Canada and made in Canada, laws that reflect our communities, our values and our justice system.
Let us now take a sombre look at the Conservative record when it comes to criminal justice.
In 2008, the Harper government passed the Tackling Violent Crime Act, imposing a mandatary minimum sentence for firearm offences. The Supreme Court struck this down in R v. Nur, calling it “cruel and unusual”.
In 2012, they doubled down with the Safe Streets and Communities Act, extending mandatory minimums for drug offences. In R v. Lloyd, again, the Supreme Court struck this down.
In 2009, they pushed through the so-called Truth in Sentencing Act, limiting judicial discretion on credit for pre-trial custody. In R v. Safarzadeh-Markhali, it was struck down again for being overbroad.
In 2011, they introduced the Protecting Canadians by Ending Sentence Discounts for Multiple Murders Act. The Supreme Court invalidated it in R v. Bissonnette, ruling that stacked parole ineligibility violated human dignity.
In 2013, they passed legislation making the victim surcharge mandatory and non-waivable. In R v. Boudreault, the court ruled it “unconstitutional” and “cruel and unusual” for the poorest and most marginalized offenders.
Most recently, the mandatory minimum for reckless discharge of a firearm, another Harper-era invention, was struck down in R v. Hills in 2023.
The list goes on, but allow me to focus on the real action that the new Liberal government is taking. Most recently, Canadians sent the federal government a clear message. They are concerned about repeat and violent offenders and want to see urgent action. This is why the new Liberal government is firmly committed to introducing a bill this fall that will build on previous legislative reforms to strengthen Canada's bail and sentencing laws.
This forthcoming legislation will once again be shaped by strong intergovernmental co-operation. This renewed collaboration among the federal, provincial and territorial governments reflects a shared commitment to public safety and a recognition that meaningful change depends on coordinated action across jurisdictions. By working together, our governments can ensure that our bail laws are not only stronger on paper but effective in practice.
[Translation]
The provinces and territories also play a vital role in collecting and sharing bail data. Leadership in these areas is essential to improving the system as a whole. Bail data collection does not occur at the national level. This responsibility falls to provincial and territorial governments. Without consistent and comprehensive data from all jurisdictions, it is difficult to assess how bail laws are working, what gaps exist, and what changes are needed.
[English]
Canadians deserve a bail system that protects communities while respecting rights. They deserve a sentencing regime that holds offenders accountable while promoting rehabilitation. They deserve to see all orders of government working together not just to pass laws but to implement them in ways that make a real difference in the lives of all Canadians. The government intends to do just that.
:
Mr. Speaker, Canadians are worried about crime in their communities, and let me be clear at the outset: The concerns are valid. When Canadians see stories of violent incidents in their neighbourhoods and when they hear about repeat offenders cycling in and out of the system, it shakes their confidence. It makes families wonder whether their kids are safe walking home from school, whether seniors are safe going to the grocery store and whether their communities are as secure as they once were.
[Translation]
We must never brush these concerns aside or suggest to Canadians that it is all in their heads or that they should not be concerned. The truth is that violent crime is a problem. Recidivism is a problem. Canadians expect us, as legislators, to seriously and urgently respond to this problem with solutions, not slogans.
[English]
The motion before us today tries to frame the issue in very simple terms. It says crime is up 55%, repeat offenders are on the streets and the solution is to pass one bill, Bill , the so-called jail not bail act. While it may be politically convenient for the Conservatives to package such a complex issue into a single slogan, Canadians know that public safety is much more complicated than that.
[Translation]
I would like to remind the House of what has already been accomplished. In 2023, under a Liberal government, Parliament passed significant bail reforms. These reforms specifically targeted violent repeat offenders, including those charged with serious offences involving firearms. We heard the concerns of provincial and territorial premiers and police associations, and we took action.
These reforms tightened the rules to make it more difficult for individuals charged with serious violent crimes to get bail. This was not just a slogan; it was action.
[English]
I am standing here to suggest that the work is not finished; it is far from it. In fact during the most recent election, Canadians gave the new Liberal government a fresh mandate to go further. Our platform was clear. We committed to strengthening bail again where it is failing, we committed to ensuring that prosecutors and judges have the resources they need, and we committed to making new investments in victim services and community safety programs. That is the plan Canadians voted for. That is the plan we are implementing in the current session of Parliament.
The Conservatives would like Canadians to believe that bail is the entire story, but public safety is not just about what happens at a bail hearing. Public safety is about prevention, prosecution and protection, and our government is acting on all these fronts.
Let me take a moment to talk about prosecution. One of the real challenges we face is that Crown prosecutors in courts are overburdened. Cases take too long, and dangerous offenders sometimes slip through the cracks, not because of soft laws but because of an under-resourced system. That is why our platform committed to increasing resources for Crown attorneys so they can prepare cases more effectively, so they can oppose bail where necessary and so they can ensure that trials move forward without unnecessary delay.
That is also why we are expanding resources for judges. Judges need the ability to impose strict release conditions when they believe someone poses a risk to public safety. They need the time and the capacity to make those decisions thoughtfully, and we are giving them those tools.
[Translation]
Let us now turn to prevention. If we want to permanently reduce crime, we cannot focus solely on punishment; we also have to focus on prevention. Our platform was clear on this. We are committed to expanding programs to help youth build better lives and steer them away from gangs and crime.
We are committed to strengthening mental health and addiction services because we know that untreated mental health and untreated addictions cause many people to reoffend. We are committed to the building safer communities fund and to indigenous justice initiatives because we know that reconciliation and equity promote safety.
[English]
The motion before us ignores prevention completely. It ignores prosecution completely. It says the solution is one bill and longer sitting hours, but Canadians know that one bill would not make their neighbourhoods safer overnight. They know it takes a comprehensive plan, one that is done hand in hand with the people at the front line of implementing the laws we vote on in here.
Conservatives call it “catch and release”. We call it listening to Canadians and delivering real solutions, not slogans. Let me be clear: The government agrees that repeat violent offenders must be dealt with firmly. We agree that Canadians deserve to feel safe in their communities, and we are acting on that commitment. In fact, legislation to strengthen bail further will be coming forward in the current session. We have been very clear that this is the responsible path forward, and we have committed to protecting Canadians.
However, we will not reduce the issue to a bumper sticker. We will not pretend that public safety can be restored by slogans, because Canadians have heard slogans before, and they voted to not be governed by slogans. They heard them during the decade the Conservatives were in power. The Conservatives had 10 years to act. They had 10 years in which they could have strengthened bail, resourced prosecutors and invested in prevention. They did not; they failed. Now suddenly, Conservatives have discovered slogans about jail, not bail, but Canadians are not looking for slogans. They are looking for solutions.
Let me remind the House what those solutions look like under a Liberal government. They look like targeted bail reform, which was passed in 2023, with more reforms coming in the current session. They look like investment in prosecutors and judges so the justice system works the way it should. They look like prevention programs for youth, addiction treatment programs and mental health supports that reduce crime before it happens. They look like stronger victim services, because safety also means standing with the people who have already been harmed. That is the Liberal plan. It is what we campaigned on, it is what Canadians voted and it is what we are delivering.
[Translation]
The motion before us today is not a genuine plan for public safety; it is a political tactic, a mere slogan. It is an attempt to persuade Canadians that all of the problems would solved, if only this bill were to pass.
Canadians know better than that. They know that public safety is a complex issue that requires a comprehensive approach. They know that only the Liberal government will implement a comprehensive approach like this.
We must recognize the Canadians' concerns and accept the reality that crime is a problem. However, we must not give in to the politics of fear or political slogans. We have to do the heavy lifting involved in building a fair, firm and effective justice system, something that our government is committed to achieving. We intend to act on that commitment in the current session, which is why I cannot support this motion.
:
Mr. Speaker, 1,600 is the number of crimes that happen in this country every single day. That is almost one crime per minute.
These are not statistics. They are innocent people being hit over the head with baseball bats. They are jewellery stores being smashed in and opened up by an incoming automobile, which is then used to steal the proceeds families have spent their entire lives earning. They are the people who wake up in the middle of the night to the sound of stomping feet on their living room floor as home invaders break in to steal, rob, pillage and much worse.
They are the Farooqi family, whose courageous father came running out to protect his defenceless children against home invaders and was shot in the throat. It is a three-year-old girl who was mercilessly raped by a chronic repeat offender, a scumbag who had already been convicted of raping a 12-year-old boy yet, under Liberal laws, was out on the street.
[Translation]
That was the case for a woman killed in Saint-Jérôme by her former partner, a man who had already been arrested 30 times and released 16 times before killing his partner.
[English]
It is the case of a beautiful young mother, Bailey McCourt, murdered by her ex, who was out on bail and had been released only three hours earlier. He was only four kilometres away from the courthouse that granted him that Liberal bail.
These are not just sensationalist stories, as Liberals like to dismiss them; these are facts. While the condescendingly dismissed these crimes, saying we are not in the Wild West, the facts would beg to differ.
Under the Liberal government, since it has taken office, violent crime is up 55%, extortion is up 330%, homicides are up 29% and sexual assaults are up 76%. There is a cause and there is an effect. We know the source of this crime. It is Liberal bail, as passed into law by Liberal Bill . It requires judges to release the accused at the “earliest reasonable opportunity” on the “least onerous” restrictions. Those are the words embedded in the law. As a result, the same offenders can commit literally hundreds of offences and be released, often within hours of their latest arrest.
Police say they have often not even finished the paperwork in the arrest and the offender is back out on the street. I have had police officers tell me they have arrested the same offender three times in the same day. One police officer in the Toronto area told me that in most arrests, the criminals happily confess to the crime in the back seat of the car because they do not care about being convicted anymore. They know that Liberal laws will turn them loose, regardless of the outcome of the trial.
Liberals pulled a bait and switch in order to get elected. In the last election, they knew Canadians were fed up with Liberal bail, so they said, “Give us a fourth chance and we will reverse course.” What happened? It has now been six months since the was elected on the promise that he would reverse Liberal bail. Where are we? There has not been a single Liberal bill to reverse the bail system they set up. We are six months in.
We all know what needs to happen. The police have basically written the legislative repeal that is necessary for us to fix the Liberal mess, yet there is no bill. There is nothing. There is zero, zip, zilch.
Maybe it is because the took the unprecedentedly reckless act of appointing Justin Trudeau's most incompetent minister to the job. The was the immigration minister who literally destroyed the best system in the world, increasing the numbers by 300% over the previous norm, allowing criminals to come into our country unvetted and swamping our housing, jobs and health care with too many people too fast. He then went on to the housing portfolio, where he created the worst housing crisis in the OECD, and now he is in charge of the Criminal Code.
Compound that problem with the , who should resign for having gone ahead with a plan to confiscate property from law-abiding firearms owners. It was a plan that he was caught on tape saying would not work. This is who we have as the keystone cops in charge of reversing the Liberal crime wave of the last decade.
Some people say we need bail reform. We have bail reform. It is called Bill . What we need is to undo Liberal bail reform; hence today, we are calling for the government to scrap Liberal bail and replace it with jail, not bail. Today, we put forward a motion that would allow Parliament to adopt Bill , the jail not bail act. It was put forward by the brilliant member of Parliament for , Ontario. This proposal is backed by police, crime victims and everybody who wants to stop crime.
The House will hear more from the member for , with whom I am splitting my time on this matter.
I will note that members of the government do not need to do a thing. They just need to get out of the way. They have already broken the bail system. They brought in the chaos we are now experiencing. We are not asking them to put on a cape and come to the rescue. We are asking them to simply get out of the way. If they do one thing, it should be to sit on their hands and let the House of Commons pass this motion to quickly push through the jail not bail act. We can lock up the criminals who have been terrorizing our streets. That is all we need them to do.
In fact, some people say they are doing nothing. It would be great if they did nothing, because nothing would be a massive improvement over what they have been doing, which is doing violence to our Criminal Code. Our Criminal Code has allowed criminals to do violence to our people.
The answer is actually very simple. Pseudo-intellectuals in Liberal circles love to say the problem is much more complicated. It is not a complicated problem. The statistics tell us the extent of it. We have a very small number of criminals doing a phenomenal amount of crime. The same 40 offenders in Vancouver got arrested 6,000 times. That is 150 arrests per offender per year, and those were just the occasions they were caught. Almost all of the crime is done by a tiny group of rampant reoffenders. If we keep them in jail, they cannot reoffend. It is very simple.
We did this under the previous Conservative government. One thing happened that was unsurprising and one that was maybe counterintuitive. The first thing, unsurprisingly, is that crime went down by 25%. It plummeted. It was the biggest drop in crime in modern Canadian history. It worked.
The second part was a bit counterintuitive. What else went down? It was incarcerations. After Liberals warned that we would have to build new jails to accommodate all of the prisoners, fewer people, in fact, ended up in jail. Why? It is because the same offenders who were coming in and going out just stayed behind bars. We had already reserved them a room. It was like the Hotel California, where they checked out but never really left. We kept them in the cell and never let them out. We locked them up and threw away the key.
Something else happened. The small-time offenders or those looking to get involved in a life of crime said, “Hell, no. The penalty is too serious. I'm going to get a job and follow the law.” Deterrence works.
The facts are in. Liberal bail has brought hell to our streets. The only one keeping that hell in place is the . He and his government need to get out of the way so Conservatives can scrap Liberal bail, lock up the criminals and throw away the key. Let us do this not out of vengeance or spite, but out of love for law-abiding people so that our children can once again play safely in our streets, so that people can go to bed at night in peace and tranquillity, so that when they wake up in the morning, their car is still there, and so that we have a safe country where law-abiding people can live good, secure, happy, worry-free lives. That is what we are working for. Will the government get out of the way and let us get it done?
:
Mr. Speaker, I am proud to contribute to this debate and follow my leader, who has never wavered on the need for reform of the Criminal Code.
As a new MP, I am proud to stand here after several troubling weeks in my riding of Niagara South. I am proud to bring the voices of so many angry and frustrated people who have gathered to protest the vicious assault of a three-year-old toddler known to all of us now as little E.
There might be a few of us here who grew up in the 1960s. When I was much younger, I remember Canada as a much different place. Our community was more respectful. We had few, if any, issues with feeling safe on our streets, and certainly we felt safe in our homes. We had rules and we followed them. Some here remember being able to roam our neighbourhoods with our friends, knowing that when the streetlights came on, we headed home, and we all made it home safely. Before cellphones, social media and algorithms, we rode our Mustang bikes with monkey handlebars and banana seats. In my community, we had a holdover from the Second World War. We called it the nine o'clock whistle. It was a curfew whistle that we heard around town, and that was our signal to go home.
I grew up in a family of law enforcement. My grandfather was chief of police in my small town of Port Colborne. My father was in the RCMP before joining the navy in World War II and later had a long career as a lawyer, Crown attorney and police commissioner. We respected our police, our teachers, our principals, our neighbours and our shopkeepers, and we always respected our elders. I know it sounds somewhat idyllic and even a bit like an episode of Leave It to Beaver, but this was the childhood I knew and remember with fond nostalgia. Yes, I watched Leave It to Beaver in black and white.
Sadly, my nostalgic sentimentality for a safe community has evolved into fear and trepidation in navigating our streets. What went wrong? Before I look at this, I would like to update the House on the case that has captivated, mobilized and crystallized opinion about crime in my community, the case of that three-year-old little girl who was brutally and in the most reprehensible way sexually assaulted in her own home in the city of Welland. She was attacked by a convicted and recently released registered sex offender. For me and so many in my community, this can only be described as unbelievable.
This took place in a neighbourhood in which I grew up. My grandparents owned a home on this street in Welland. As a child, I never felt unsafe in this neighbourhood. I would walk with my grandfather on Sunday mornings to pick up bread down the street at Barca's Bakery, and I would often be dispatched to pick it up myself. Again, I never felt unsafe, but little E, the sweet little three-year-old, will likely never feel safe again. After more than three weeks in the hospital recovering from this unspeakable assault, little E is now back home with her family.
The House knows the story of Daniel Senecal. He was released early after being convicted of sexually assaulting a young boy. He is on the sex offender registry. He was released into my community early on parole, and within a few short weeks he reoffended, breaking into the home of this little girl. Little E did not deserve this. No little girl, no little boy, no human being should be subjected to this kind of vile act of sexual assault. This particular little girl did not deserve to spend three weeks in the hospital. Most critically, Daniel Senecal should have been in prison, not in the room of a three-year-old toddler.
Daniel Senecal has a bail hearing on October 15. Yes, this repeat convicted offender and vile excuse for a human being has a bail hearing on October 15. Now, clearly, this is his charter right and right of due process. That is not in dispute. The problem is that he is appearing for bail in the first place when he should have been in jail serving his original sentence. If that were the case, little E would have been just another happy little girl growing up without fear of being attacked by a convicted sex offender within the confines of her own home.
I started a petition in my riding, hoping to bring the voice of my community to this chamber. Little did I know how far and wide the response would be. I will present the petition after the Easter break so the government hears the voices of tens of thousands of people in Niagara.
During the recent election campaign, people told me their stories and their fears about rising crime rates, violent crimes and the feeling that their community is no longer safe. They spoke to me about the absurd catch-and-release policy of the current Liberal government. Violent crime is up 55%. Crime across the board, from extortion to car theft and home invasions, is way up. The stats are clear, but the fear is palpable and real. The current Liberal approach of forcing judges to release offenders at the earliest possible opportunity, under the least onerous conditions, is an abomination. The phrase “catch-and-release”, for me, is a fishing term but is oddly reflective of the main problem in the Criminal Code.
Police have told me horror stories about the utterly useless policy of catch-and-release. One officer recently told me he had arrested the same individual 30 times over a period of several months in Niagara. In some situations, the same individual was released on the same day on a simple promise to appear. This is the new expedited process, a promise to appear. An arrest can be made with the perpetrator sitting in the back seat of a cruiser and let go on a promise to appear. This is both laughable and sad, but it happens every single day. I have heard that in some cases, police simply drive by rather than waste time on useless paperwork. They know that the process is fatally flawed and that people are never going to do time for their crimes.
When I asked the about the case of little E, he told me that legislation is on the way. That is not good enough. It is not good enough for little E, and it certainly does not deal with the issue of early release for abhorrent predators who are sent back into our communities and neighbourhoods to offend over and over again.
Here we are. We have a promise of bail reform but no action. I fully expect the will make good on his promise to introduce legislation, but will he actually change and reverse a decade of Liberal soft-on-crime catch-and-release and fundamentally reform our bail system? That remains to be seen.
To me, people like Daniel Senecal should never see the light of day again. This is not “three strikes and you're out”. Sexually assaulting a toddler should carry a sentence commensurate with the crime, which, in my opinion, means life. When someone steals the innocence of a toddler, they forfeit their right to ever walk the streets of any neighbourhood again, let alone to ever have contact with children.
The last time I spoke about this in the House, I had been visited by many survivors of sexual assault, often perpetrated by repeat offenders. They live in fear every single day. The list of people being released only to be convicted again is staggering. Several women sat in my office in Welland and tearfully told me their stories and about the scars they have and the fears they have, living every single day looking over their shoulder.
Many know their perpetrators are somewhere out there, and they are afraid. They hide. They do not engage in events where their faces can be seen. However, a few had garnered the courage to speak out this time, knowing they were making themselves visible and vulnerable. Many continue to move from place to place out of sheer fear. They pleaded with me to bring their stories to the floor of the House of Commons, and I am so proud to do that today.
Let me conclude by taking a moment to talk to my community about the fear and frustration that has gripped all of us in my beautiful Niagara region. This is not a partisan issue. We cannot ignore that the Liberal government created this soft-on-crime catch-and-release, mandatory parole, applying an easy path for criminal activity.
Conservatives are committed to strengthening the Criminal Code and ensuring that people like Daniel Senecal would never have another chance to offend. We are here to make sure repeat offenders actually receive a sentence equal to their crime. Frankly, if it were up to me, he would rot in jail for the rest of his life.
I want to thank the people of Niagara South who signed the petition that I will present to the House shortly. To the survivors, I thank them for their courage to talk to me about the pain, the fear and the difficult path of recovery. They give me strength here, and I am grateful for their counsel and help in bringing this message forward.
I implore the government to introduce legislation. There is no time to waste. It must bring in legislation now, not sometime in the fall but right now, so dangerous criminals like Daniel Senecal never hurt children again.
:
Mr. Speaker, I am a proud representative of Mississauga—Lakeshore, and I will be sharing my time with the member for .
As I rise to debate the opposition motion before us, I want to talk particularly about its narrative and the appropriate steps moving forward. My community, like many communities, is concerned. We have a number of town halls. We have talk groups. We have ongoing discussions with Peel police. We understand the dilemmas that are before us, and we recognize the concerns our neighbours face. They are concerned about guns, home invasions and auto thefts. These things have become an issue of concern across the country. However, there is also a blame game that seems to be going on. Oftentimes, it deflects responsibility. We are all responsible for ensuring that our communities are safe, at the federal level, at the provincial level and at the municipal level, and even with some of the organizations and associations that are engaged. It is appropriate for us to have this ongoing debate and discussion. I welcome the fact that it is a non-partisan issue.
There is organized crime. We have been in meetings with the RCMP, border security, international agencies and the police to ensure that organized crime is addressed. Organized criminals are perpetrating some of these criminal acts; they are engaging with our young people, who are victimized themselves by being sourced in order to do these criminal acts. This is why, just last month, we introduced Bill , the combatting hate act, to address hate-motivated offences. This legislation successfully passed second reading yesterday, and it is now moving to committee for detailed study and consideration.
Over the summer, the engaged in consultations with provincial and territorial counterparts, law enforcement agencies, police chiefs and associations to ensure that any reforms are practical, evidence-based and responsive to the needs of Canadians. This is how responsible reform happens, through careful study, collaboration and expert guidance.
Meanwhile, the , who was preoccupied with keeping his job, has torqued the rhetoric, which is very partisan in its nature. While seeking his parachute return to the House after being resoundingly rejected by his constituents, he has now been more concerned for himself than for the public safety measures we are talking about. lnstead of focusing on measures that truly improve public safety, he continues to advance reckless, politically motivated proposals, prioritizing appearances over solutions that actually protect Canadians.
Canadians deserve more than slogans and political theatre. They deserve government that listens, engages with experts and acts decisively to make communities safer. That is exactly what this government is doing, through legislation that addresses urgent issues while respecting the principles of justice and fairness. This is why the federal government has taken important steps to reform the bail system in recent years. ln 2023, former Bill made meaningful changes to strengthen the bail system in response to concerns about efficiency and repeat offences.
For example, Bill created a reverse onus to target serious repeat offending involving weapons, and it expanded the list of firearms that trigger a reverse onus at bail. It also broadened the reverse onus targeting repeat offenders in cases of intimate partner violence. These changes made it more difficult for accused persons to obtain bail when they are charged with serious repeat offences.
All of us want to keep criminals in jail. All of us—
An hon. member: Oh, oh!
Charles Sousa: Absolutely, I do. Mr. Speaker, I take offence to the very nature of that notion. The fact that individuals are suggesting any member of this Parliament would prefer not to put a criminal in jail is offensive in its own right. There are laws that are in place. There are laws that have been in place all along. We have to enforce the law. These changes were not the result of partisan initiatives. They were reflected by broad collaboration with provinces, territories, law enforcement and legal experts. Every step was guided by data, by evidence, by consultation with those working on the front lines of criminal justice.
Despite these reforms, we understand that Canadians remain concerned about repeat offences and violent offences. This is why the government will introduce legislation this fall to further strengthen bail and sentencing provisions in the Criminal Code.
The federal government has committed to establishing reverse onuses for a range of serious crimes, including violent and organized crime-related auto theft, home invasions, human trafficking and human smuggling, to make bail more onerous to obtain in these circumstances. There is also a commitment to amending the Criminal Code to direct courts to give primary considerations to the principles of denunciation and deterrence when determining a fit sentence for anyone who has numerous convictions for auto thefts or home invasions. Further commitments include expanding the possibility of consecutive sentences in violent or organized crime-related auto theft cases.
These are concrete measures aimed at addressing repeat and violent offending throughout the criminal justice process. They represent an approach that is strategic, evidence-based and evidence driven, and focused on protecting public safety without sacrificing the rights and fairness that are the foundational aspects of our judicial system.
We also know that reform cannot happen in isolation. The operation of the bail system is a shared responsibility between the federal and provincial and territorial governments, as I have already stated. While the federal government sets the legal framework, the provinces and territories manage the day-to-day operations, including court and jail administration. Strengthening the law at the federal level must therefore be complemented by effective enforcement resources and oversight at the provincial level, and without this coordination, even the best legislation would not achieve meaningful change.
Data and evidence also play a crucial role. Provinces and territories collect the data necessary to evaluate how bail laws are functioning, identify gaps and implement improvements. Better data always allows government to track outcomes, assess risks and ensure that measures designed to protect public safety are actually working. That is why our government continues to work closely with partners across the country to improve data collection, transparency and reporting in the criminal justice system.
Public safety is built through careful policy, strong partnerships and sustained action. It is not achieved through slogans and partisan posturing. It is built when governments work together to address the root causes of crime, including poverty, trauma, mental health issues and housing insecurity, as well as individuals not being given the support they need to rebuild their lives. Canadians deserve a bail system that protects communities while respecting rights, as well as sentencing systems that hold offenders accountable while promoting rehabilitation.
This government is delivering on that promise. We are not acting in haste or based on politics; we are consulting with experts, collaborating with provincial counterparts and building laws that work in practice. We are introducing legislation to ensure that repeat offenders face appropriate consequences, that courts have the tools to protect public safety and that the justice system functions efficiently and fairly for all Canadians.
In conclusion, Canadians expect a government that acts responsibly, listens to experts and delivers results. That is what we are doing with our justice reform agenda. We have introduced Bill to fight hate crime; we strengthened the bail system through Bill , and we are preparing additional measures this fall to further address repeat and violent offences. That is not about political games or empty slogans; it is about real action, public safety and justice, and that is exactly the approach Canadians elected this government to take.
Laws exist, and we need to enforce them.
:
Mr. Speaker, it is a pleasure to rise, as it always is, in this House to speak on behalf of the citizens of Calgary Signal Hill. Striking a balance between competing interests is the work of this House of Commons. It is a job that is frequently challenging, but it is the responsibility that we have undertaken and it is what we owe Canadians.
Today, in our criminal justice system, the consideration of the protection of the public has taken a back seat to the interests of offenders. We are talking about striking a balance in our justice system, and right now, the scales of justice are out of balance and must be corrected.
The reason the Conservative Party has brought forward Bill is to help government members. Clearly, they are busy thinking about things, but they are not doing things, and Canadians require action. At this point in time, crime statistics are up throughout our country, from province to province, and we have to do something.
In August, just two months ago, I attended a meeting in Calgary with senior members of the Calgary Police Service. At that time, a superintendent described a circumstance that had occurred in Calgary in July that illustrates well the problem we have and the problem we must fix. The superintendent described a crime wave that took place in Calgary through the month of July that was identified by the police service. They responded, they put a task force together and they commenced making arrests.
A group of youths and young adults were committing home break-ins. However, very frighteningly to the police, who traditionally see criminals break into homes for the purpose of theft and focusing on times when homes are not occupied, this brazen group had been breaking into homes at night, with no consideration for whether the homes were occupied. Indeed, they seemed to prefer to break into homes that were occupied.
An individual was caught red-handed, as the expression goes, in a home at night with the residents of the home there. He was arrested, taken before a justice of the peace and released. This might not be much of a surprise or shock; the individual's criminal history and record may have been considered at that time. However, the same individual was arrested by the Calgary Police Service within a matter of days of his first arrest and released. Again, he was in a home unlawfully at night, with the residents of that home present. For a second time, this individual was taken before a justice of the peace and released. That might begin to shock the senses, but the fact is that this same individual was arrested for a third time within one week, again at night in a residence with the residents of that home present. He was taken before a justice of the peace for a third time and, yes, released a third time.
This is a system that is broken. We must make changes, and there is no point in waiting. The work has been done. The Conservative Party has done that work in co-operation with the House, and the members opposite should take note.
I wish to note the comments of some individuals with respect to incidences like the one I described, as related to me by the Calgary Police Service.
This is from Scott Weller, a home invasion victim:
As someone who knows firsthand the trauma of a violent home invasion, I believe strongly in the need for Jail not Bail. My family was attacked in what should have been the safety of our own home. The idea that violent offenders could be released back onto our streets is terrifying—not just for us, but for every Canadian family. That night changed how we live and forced us to secure our home in ways I never imagined necessary. This will have a lasting impact on our family and our sense of safety. This legislation recognizes that public safety must come first. It sends a clear message that violent crime has real consequences, and that the rights of victims and families come before the rights of criminals.
Here is a second comment on Conservative Bill : “The Jail Not Bail Act is therefore more than legislation—it is an essential corrective—a lifeline capable of disrupting the revolving door of abuse and saving innocent lives.” That is from Cait Alexander of End Violence Everywhere.
Lastly, this is from Michelle Mollineaux, board member of Mend Canada, an indigenous-led organization in our country: “This is the kind of common-sense legislation Canadians have been demanding: a framework that rebalances our bail system to prioritize public safety while still upholding the Charter right to bail.”
These quotations highlight exactly the circumstances on our streets, exactly what this problem is and exactly what the Conservative common-sense legislation would do to sort this matter out.
In my own city of Calgary, over the last 10 years, we have seen a 66% increase in violent crime. We have seen a 33% increase in sexual assaults, a 326% increase in firearms crime and a 342% increase in extortion. With crime rates up and criminals being arrested but released, we have a problem in our justice system. There is a hole here that must be fixed, and Conservative Bill would plug that hole.
Our constituents expect us to act responsibly. Waiting around until the Liberal Party addresses this issue and brings legislation before the House is not responsible. I will say again to my friends opposite that the work has been done. They can take the rest of the day off. We are set to go.
:
Mr. Speaker, today I rise in the chamber to support Conservative Bill , the jail not bail act.
I will be sharing my time with my colleague, the member for .
Canadians are tired of waking up to headlines that read like crime thrillers except that they are real and are happening in our neighbourhoods. In Brampton, families do not feel safe anymore. Crime is no longer the exception but is becoming the norm. Residents and communities are being impacted every day, with violent home invasions, daylight shootings, carjackings, sexual assaults and repeat offenders walking free. This is the result of Liberal catch-and-release justice and a broken bail system that puts criminals ahead of victims and communities. It is why I rise today in support of Bill , the jail not bail act, a Conservative solution to restore law and order and to protect innocent Canadians.
Let me share the statistics under the Liberal catch-and-release system. Homicides are up 29%, violent crime is up by 55%, sexual assaults have increased by 76%, extortion has surged by 330%, auto thefts are up by 25%, hate crimes are up by 258% and firearms crimes are up by 130%. These are not just numbers; these are real people, victims whose lives have been shattered by repeat violent offenders who should never have been released.
In Markham, a 54-year-old man was left seriously injured in a violent home invasion. One of the suspects was already out on bail despite facing charges for robbery with a firearm and attempted murder. In Toronto, a woman was stabbed in broad daylight by a man who had been released on bail just days earlier. In Vancouver, organized crime rings are recruiting youth to commit car thefts and armed robberies, knowing they will be released within hours. In my community of Brampton, a home invasion resulted in the death of a young Canadian. In one of the most heartbreaking cases, Bailey McCourt was murdered by her ex-husband just hours after he was released on bail following an assault conviction.
We are witnessing an exponential rise in crime across the country, but nowhere is it more evident than in my hometown of Brampton. In the Peel region, police recently made the largest drug bust in its history. Shockingly, six of the nine accused were already out on bail. In another major operation, targeting an extortion ring, half of the people arrested were also on judicial release. Just weeks ago in Brampton, a violent home invasion ended with a father's being shot for doing nothing more than defending his home and family. This is the result of the Liberals' Bill and Bill , which introduced the so-called principle of restraint, a policy that prioritizes release even when the accused has a violent history or is likely to reoffend.
Police officers, victims and legal experts have all said the same thing: The bail system is broken, and now is the time to fix it. The solution is jail, not bail, restoring safety and trust back on our streets, in our homes and in our lives. Bill , the jail not bail act, is a common-sense Conservative solution that would put public safety first and restore trust in our justice system. Judges and police would have to prioritize protecting the public, not just the rights of the accused, when deciding on bail.
The bill would take away automatic bail for violent offenders. If someone is charged with a major violent offence, like attempted murder, sexual assault, kidnapping or armed robbery, they would not be released automatically. If they have already been convicted of a major offence in the last 10 years and are charged again while out on bail, the bill proposes that they must be detained.
The bill would allow only judges to decide bail for repeat offenders. Police officers can now release someone charged with a major offence. Only a superior court judge would be able to make that decision. It would also remove criminals as sureties. People convicted of a serious crime in the last 10 years would not be able to act as a surety; there would be no more criminals vouching for criminals.
The bill proposes stronger rules for non-citizens. Non-citizens and non-permanent residents would hand over their passport before being released, reducing flight risk.
The bill would offer better risk assessment. The law would change the standard from “substantial likelihood” to “reasonably foreseeable”, making it easier to detain someone who poses a threat. Judges would also consider the accused's criminal history, including past failures to comply with bail. It would ask for an annual transparency report. The minister of justice would have to publish a yearly report on bail reforms, bail outcomes, repetition and disparities so Canadians would know what is working and what is not.
Conservatives are taking the lead. While the Liberals stall and spin, Conservatives are acting. We are calling on the House to immediately pass Bill . We are ready to support extended sittings to get this done because Canadians deserve safe streets, a justice system they can depend on to protect them, and no more headlines about violent criminals walking free.
Before I end, I have a message for Brampton residents, which is that they should stay strong. We all know that injustice has risen in our community for far too long; that is why, as their member of Parliament, I, alongside the Conservative Party, will work tirelessly to make our streets safer. I will stop at nothing to ensure that the residents of Brampton will once again feel safe and protected in the community and in their own home.
The choice is clear. Canadians are tired of excuses. We can continue down the Liberal path of hug-a-thug justice, where innocent, law-abiding Canadians live in fear, or we can stand up for the victims, restore law and order and put violent criminals where they belong: behind bars. Let us pass the jail not bail act. Let us protect Canadians. Let us bring safety back to our streets.
:
Mr. Speaker, Canadians feel betrayed, stabbed in the back, both literally and metaphorically. Every day, the people of Richmond Hill South and families across Canada watch as violent offenders are being arrested in the morning and then let back out on our streets before nightfall, due to a decade of Liberal soft-on-crime laws. Seniors are afraid to walk to the grocery store. Parents are terrified to let their kids take the bus after dark. Who do we have to thank? The pro-crime Liberals, who have intentionally put the rights of repeat violent offenders ahead of the rights of law-abiding Canadians.
The Conservative jail not bail act is about one thing: standing with Canadians, not felons; standing with victims, not criminals; and standing with Canadians, not the pro-crime Liberals and their revolving door of a justice system that created the crime crisis. That is why Canadians from all walks of life agree that it is time to scrap Liberal bail.
Richmond Hill is under siege. Just weeks ago, gunfire ripped through a quiet Richmond Hill neighbourhood. A man was killed by an illegal gun, execution style, in the middle of a street in broad daylight. Parents dragged their children inside. Families huddled in fear. This is the question that echoed: Why is this happening in our once safe neighbourhood? Gangs are shooting up peaceful neighbourhoods and robbing homes, and this is often done by repeat offenders who are recommitting after being released, because of lax Liberal bail.
At Highway 7 and Leslie, someone was carjacked at gunpoint, Grand Theft Auto style. People were robbed in broad daylight at Major Mackenzie and Bayview. Places of worship were attacked by acts of hate on 16th Avenue and Bathurst. In the Hillcrest mall, robberies by repeat offenders, which have caused lockdowns, have seniors and shoppers scared to go out anymore. People are losing family members because of intentional acts of arson by criminals who are lighting up innocent people in their own homes at night, right in Richmond Hill. These are not just statistics. This is real people, real fear and real victims. Every single one of these tragedies was enabled by the pro-crime Liberal laws that keep criminals on the streets instead of behind bars. That is why it is high time to scrap Liberal bail.
The numbers do not lie and the human stories are heartbreaking, but the numbers confirm it. After 10 years of Liberal pro-crime laws, violent crime is up 55%, gun crime has more than doubled, extortion is up 330%, homicides are up 29%, sexual assaults are up 76%, and auto theft in the GTA is at levels never seen before. This did not happen by accident, but by design, because the pro-crime Liberals passed Bill and Bill .
Mandatory prison time was abolished for dozens of charges, and house arrest became the new norm. The Liberal catch-and-release came into effect, and the Liberal pro-crime revolving door in the justice system was set into motion. The Liberals handcuffed the police and set the criminals free. The result is that the people of Richmond Hill South, and Canadians across the country, live in fear while the shrugs and the minister of injustice makes jokes about the Wild West. That is not leadership; that is negligence. It is disgraceful. The only way to put an end to this and bring home safe streets again is by scrapping Liberal bail.
Let us talk about the real cost of this Liberal failure. The cost is paid by Canadians, by blood, trauma and the loss of loved ones. In Richmond Hill, seniors tell me they will not walk through the mall or go to the park anymore. It is no longer safe. Parents living near Yonge Street say that their children cannot take public transit after dark. Teens cannot ride their bikes anymore because criminals are preying on their bikes and their lives. Shopkeepers on Highway 7 do not even bother reporting theft because the same thief is back the next day thanks to the pro-crime Liberals and their lax bail laws.
What about the police officers who risk their lives arresting violent offenders only to see them walk free before their shift is even over. It has gotten so bad that the York Regional Police chief is asking victims of crime to simply comply with the demands of criminals who the Liberal injustice system has let out. That is not justice; it is betrayal. They have been straight-up stabbed in the back. That is the legacy of 10 years of the pro-crime Liberals. The only way to bring justice to the victims and families is by scrapping Liberal bail.
The Conservative jail not bail act would bring back sanity, common sense and peace of mind. It would lock up repeat violent offenders and slam the door on gang members. It would ensure that gun criminals, who are often using illegally obtained guns, stay behind bars where they belong. It would also force judges to finally put public safety first, not Liberal ideology.
First, this legislation would repeal the Liberal principle of restraint and put public protection first instead of the criminal. This would ensure that communities are not left at the mercy of the pro-crime Liberals after all they have endured with a decade of the Liberals' soft-on-crime approach.
Second, it would introduce a new major offences category, which would reverse the onus on bail conditions for crimes involving firearms, sexual assault, kidnapping, human trafficking, home invasion, robbery, extortion, arson and assault. It would require the accused to prove why they should be let out on bail. This would stop career criminals unleashed by the Liberal crime wave from taking advantage of this broken Liberal injustice system.
Next, it would mandate judges to consider the full criminal history of the accused and prevent anyone convicted of a major offence while on bail in the last 10 years from receiving bail, thus ending the Liberals' revolving door injustice system.
Lastly, this legislation would prohibit anyone with an indictable conviction from acting as a guarantor and would require non-residents to surrender their passports upon request.
Conservatives stand with victims, families and Canadians. That is the choice before the House. Will parliamentarians from all parties, and Liberals alike, come together and vote to scrap Liberal bail?
Let us call this what it is: a pro-crime Liberal record. Liberal pro-crime Bill scrapped jail time for violent crimes involving weapons and allowed for house arrest instead of mandatory prison time for serious offences and a dozen other charges. Liberal pro-crime Bill lowered the bar so that repeat offenders could walk free and tied the hands of provincial governments, judges and police.
What did Canadians and the people of Richmond Hill get in return? They received more Liberal-sponsored gang shootings, more Liberal-sponsored carjackings, more Liberal-sponsored home invasions and more victims.
The pro-crime Liberals talk about restorative justice. Tell that to the shopkeeper robbed for the third time because of lax Liberal bail laws. Tell that to the seniors imprisoned in their homes in fear of the crime wave unleashed by the Liberal government. Tell that to the mother who buried her son after a Liberal-sponsored gang shooting. Is the Liberal government going to restore her son's life? There is nothing restorative about that, only Liberal failure and injustice. To bring justice to victims and Canadians across this country, we must scrap Liberal bail.
Premiers, provincial attorneys general and police chiefs across the country, including from the York Regional Police in Richmond Hill, have begged Parliament to fix the Liberals' soft-on-crime bail before more blood is spilled by the Liberal-sponsored crime wave, but the pro-crime Liberals refused. They ignored the warnings and calls to action from victims, police and communities alike. They left officers demoralized and communities exposed to the crime wave the Liberals unleashed. It went so far that the Liberal minister of injustice mocked victims by referring to this Liberal-sponsored crime wave as not being the Wild West. It is Canada, but it sure feels like it.
Conservatives will stand with the police, who risk their lives—