The House resumed consideration of the motion.
:
Mr. Speaker, I am grateful for the opportunity to participate in today's debate on the timing of budget 2025, a subject that the Canadian government obviously takes very seriously. With that in mind, I am pleased to inform the House that I will be sharing my time with my esteemed colleague from .
We believe it would be both ill-advised and confusing to draft such a major financial planning document in the few weeks we have left before the House rises for the summer. Instead, the government will present a comprehensive, carefully planned and detailed budget in the fall, a budget that will reflect Canada's major national and international priorities, one that will provide a much more accurate picture of our macroeconomic outlook than what is currently available.
As we all know, the Government of Canada is restructuring its relationship with the United States, our oldest and, historically, largest trading partner. It is crucial that this be done in a spirit of co-operation and mutual understanding, with a view to ensuring a better future for citizens on both sides of the border.
As the aptly said not long ago, the road there will be long. There is no quick fix. That is precisely why our ongoing discussions with the United States are so important. That is why it is essential that we develop an updated picture of this important economic relationship before we rush into drafting a budget.
Of course, we know that a lot of Canadians are understandably anxious and concerned about the impact that U.S. tariffs are still having on their lives and pocketbooks. To these people, we make and repeat this promise: Our government will never back down. It will keep working tirelessly to protect our businesses, our workers and our country's sovereignty. By focusing our attention on this important issue at this decisive time, we will ensure Canada's success in a radically different world, and build a new, stronger Canadian economy for everyone.
In addition, the government will undertake a review of its daily spending based on its core mandate of spending less to invest more. That is why we are taking action to keep the Government of Canada's operating budget increase below 2% by capping the size of the public service, eliminating duplication and using technology, including artificial intelligence, to improve the productivity and quality of public sector services.
I would also like to touch briefly on how Canada's defence spending plays a very important role in the timing of budget 2025. Our government is working very hard to review this defence spending ahead of the upcoming NATO leaders summit later this month, where new defence spending targets will be discussed, as well as to better prepare us for future global conflicts and the rapidly changing geopolitical environment.
In short, by tabling the budget in the fall, we will have a better idea of our macroeconomic picture and will be in a much better position to share our overall investment plan with Canadians. In the meantime, our Canadian government will continue to deliver on its mandate to build a stronger economy, reduce the cost of living and keep our communities safe.
Just last month we implemented a tax cut for the middle class, a major investment that will support 22 million Canadians across the country. We are also getting rid of the goods and services tax, or the GST, for first-time homebuyers on homes valued at up to $1 million, which will allow them to save up to $50,000. We are also reducing the GST for first-time homebuyers on new homes valued at $1 million to $1.5 million.
The government continues to work with its provincial, territorial and indigenous partners to implement a major $10-dollar a day, Canada-wide early learning and child care system. We are giving more money to families through the Canada child benefit, which is lifting 1.5 million children out of poverty every month. We are providing meals to children who go without, through the national school food program, which, for Quebec alone, will help close to 100,000 children. In addition, roughly nine million Canadians who are now eligible will save close to $800 on average through the Canadian dental care plan.
These are all things that put more money in people's pockets and help create healthier, stronger, more resilient and more unified communities.
:
Mr. Speaker, it gives me great pleasure to rise and participate in today's debate, and hopefully make some contributions to the discussion this afternoon.
I think we can all agree that on the tail of the last election, where our government presented a fully costed platform to Canadians, we were returned to this side of the House, under new leadership, granted, but it is not as if Canadians had no idea what the plan for the government was. We have been relentlessly pursuing the objectives of that plan by our actions since the House came back, which has been only about 10 or 11 sitting days, and we have made huge strides towards realizing that plan.
We should all agree that there is absolutely no value in trying to rush through a budget within a very narrow window. A budget document involves detailed analysis, policy checks and meticulous preparation. It would be challenging to prepare and present a spring budget with the remaining time left in the House calendar. In fact we feel it would be unwise and unfair to Canadians to rush through a major fiscal document in just a few weeks.
Rather, the government intends to deliver a fall budget which will outline its fiscal priorities and provide a more detailed financial road map for the country. In the meantime, we have announced plans to support Canadians by boosting affordability and economic growth. It is those plans I am very excited to share a little more about today.
Our government is taking immediate action to address the affordability crisis. Key to that plan is bringing down the costs that everyday Canadians experience, allowing them to keep more of their hard-earned paycheque and to spend it where it matters most to them.
The government will eliminate the goods and services tax for first-time homebuyers on new homes at or under $1 million and lower the GST for first-time homebuyers on new homes between $1 million and $1.5 million. This tax cut will save Canadians up to $50,000, allowing more young people and families, in my riding of Whitby, for example, to enter the housing market and realize their dream of home ownership. By our eliminating the GST, Canadians will face lower upfront housing costs and keep more money in their pocket. Eliminating the GST will also have a dynamic effect on increasing supply, spurring the construction of new homes across the country in the segments of the housing market where we need more affordable homes built.
We are delivering a middle-class tax cut, which I am very excited will provide relief for nearly 22 million Canadians and save dual-income families up to $840 a year. Canadians will start seeing these tax savings on their paycheque as early as July 1, when the rate is reduced. We are also now formalizing the cancellation of the consumer carbon price, which took effect on April 1.
With these measures, we are delivering change to cut taxes, bring down costs and put money back in the pockets of Canadians. The measures send a strong and clear message to Canadians that they are and will remain our government's top priority as we build a strong, united economy for all.
In addition to the measures I just mentioned, we are dedicated to protecting and strengthening the programs that have already been saving families thousands of dollars every year. First, we are dedicated to protecting and strengthening the child care program that we have introduced across Canada. Today approximately 900,000 children are getting high-quality early learning opportunities, setting them up for lifelong success. In only a few short years, the program has become a core part of Canada's social infrastructure and fabric, and we will not let it be taken away or weakened by Conservatives; we know they would cut the program down if they ever got to this side of the House, just like they would with the Canadian dental care plan.
In its first year, the Canadian dental care plan significantly improved access to affordable dental care. More than 3.4 million Canadians were approved to be part of the plan, while 1.7 million have already received care. In my riding of Whitby, I have heard seniors and many other community members, including children under 12, families and parents, tell me how much the dental coverage means to them and their family. In March of this year, the government announced that all remaining eligible Canadians aged 18 to 64 would be able to apply for the plan in May 2025, with coverage starting as early as June 1, 2025. The newly expanded program will cover about eight million Canadians, saving the average person more than $800 per year.
As outlined in the Speech from the Throne, our government has a bold and ambitious plan for the future. The key to that plan is bringing down costs so Canadians can keep more of their hard-earned paycheques to spend where it matters most. We will do this while making the best use of our talented public service and new technologies to save money. We remain focused on outcomes for Canadians and making sure they get what they expect from their government.
It is time for Canada to have a government focused on maximizing investments that drive growth and delivering results. We plan to balance the operating budget by budget 2028, ensuring responsible fiscal management while making wise, long-term investments to build for Canada's prosperity in the future.
A federal budget is a critically important financial and democratic document. That is why budget 2025 must be delivered in a logical sequence that takes both national and international priorities into account. As we all know, there is economic uncertainty on the international stage. As Canada forges a new relationship with the United States based on respect and common interests, it must stay hyperfocused on reinforcing Canada's strength here at home while safeguarding our workers and businesses and defending their interests here and abroad.
These discussions are ongoing, and they are vitally important to our shared future. These uncertainties in U.S. trade policies and upcoming international events, such as the NATO summit in June, present broader challenges and opportunities. We want to take time to address defence spending and trade relationships in a more comprehensive fall budget.
In conclusion, our government has a strong mandate from the people of Canada to define a new economic and security relationship with the United States, to build a stronger economy, to reduce the cost of living and to keep our communities safe. A comprehensive fall budget will allow our government to deliver a thoughtful, strategic financial plan for Canadians, a plan that is delivered within a timeline that is prudent, well calculated and not rushed, as the Conservatives would have us do.
:
Mr. Speaker, I will be splitting my time with the member for .
It is with deep humility and great pride that I rise in this chamber for the first time as the newly elected member of Parliament for Windsor West, a place I have lived in, served and raised my family in and now have the honour to represent right here in Ottawa. Windsor West is a riding with powerful identity shaped by immigration, industry, grit and community pride. We are a city of makers and movers. We do not just punch above our weight; we carry the ring.
Before I go further, I want to begin with a few thank yous. I thank all of the volunteers who walked endless streets, made thousands of calls, hammered signs in the ground and occasionally fed the whole campaign team like it was a Punjabi wedding. I thank my beautiful wife, Michelle, who is the calm behind this storm. Her strength and endless belief in me kept me grounded. I thank my children, Aviana and Rohan, for their love, their patience and especially their hard work during the campaign.
My campaign was powered by the people of Windsor-Essex, neighbours, friends and even strangers, who believed it was time for change. I thank those who stood with me through the campaign, people like Mahadev Puri, Jagjit Varraich, Harinder and Gurmehar Randhawa, Navdeep Bhogal, Tony Bajwa, Bina Taylor, John Elliott, Sam Nizzer and Tony Francis, and their loving families. I thank campaign managers Maurizio and Sukhdeep, our CFO Gurpreet, comms lead Al Teshuba, and our sign warriors Adrien Bezaire, Rob and Mary Soucie, Rob Cheshire, Pierre Lacasse, who likes to call himself Pierre for Pierre, Dino and Linda for showing up, rain or shine.
Thanks also to to our office team, Patsy Copus, Guneet Baath and Elton Robinson, and to our community supporters: Manvinder Deol, Don Miller, Surjeet Gill, Sukhjot Singh, Harvinder Sran, Anil Sharma, Harmail Gill, Harry Sidhu, Mr. Chandi, Mr. Chohan, Mukhtiar Singh, Asim, Rafat, Arvind and Raminder, Dr. Aleem of the Ahmadiyya community, Rahul from the BAPS community, Panditji of the Windsor Hindu temple, Rohitbhai, Dhavalbhai, Mr. Grewal, Mr. Virk and the many members of the Christian, Hindu, Muslim and Sikh diaspora communities of Windsor. With their amazing energy, belief and action, they showed me what community in motion really looks like.
Like many Canadians, my journey began far from here. I was born in Gujarat, India, and raised by my late parents, Didar Singh Gill and Surinder Kaur Gill, who instilled in me the values of hard work, service and sacrifice. Those values were further shaped by my teachers at Rosary High School and MS University in Baroda. My uncles Hargurdev and Kultar Singh Randhawa and my aunt Satwant Kaur Randhawa, who immigrated to Canada in the late 1960s and 1970s, sponsored me. Their families did not just open their hearts and their doors; they opened my future.
When I landed in Canada in 1988 and came to Windsor, it felt like home. The people, the grit and the values all clicked. I am especially grateful to friends like Shawn Hand, Peter Ste. Marie, Viktor Burany and many others who welcomed me and helped me adapt. I went to study at St. Clair College and the University of Windsor and then served 29 years as a police officer in Toronto and LaSalle. Frontline service teaches two things: how to solve problems and how to spot people who are just pretending to. On the front lines of public safety, I witnessed this country's challenges but also its best traits: resilience, compassion and, yes, even some dark humour during tough moments.
Windsor has always punched above its weight. It has been a transportation and manufacturing powerhouse central to Canada's auto sector. When Windsor succeeds, so does Canada. Over 9,000 trucks cross the Windsor-Detroit border daily, carrying more than $600 million in goods. A full third of our trade with the U.S. flows through Windsor. We are the beating heart of North America's just-in-time supply chain.
For us, infrastructure is not an abstract; it is essential. That is why the Gordie Howe international bridge matters. Initiated under Prime Minister Harper and the previous Conservative government, it was a vision of nation building, yet the Liberals took three extra years to break ground. Had they acted with urgency, the bridge would likely be up and running today, cutting congestion, boosting trade and fuelling economic growth.
We are also home to a major piece of Canada's EV future. A critical piece of the national EV supply chain is being built in our region, a project whose full potential will depend on delivery, not just announcements. Let us be clear: This battery plant is not a political trophy; it is a strategic necessity for Canada's future and competitiveness. Our auto workers, engineers and suppliers will make it succeed, but they need infrastructure, skilled labour and long-term planning to match that ambition. That starts with Ottawa finally treating Windsor not like an afterthought, but like the economic linchpin it is.
The people of Windsor are hard-working and hopeful, but they are feeling the squeeze. Food bank usage is at record highs. Shoplifting is up not just due to gangs, but because people are trying to get basic items like food, diapers and toothpaste. Rents are out of reach. Grocery bills are growing. I had to respond to calls at grocery stores where loss prevention officers had seniors in custody for shoplifting food. Those seniors told me they were stretching one meal into three and did not have the money to buy food. Small business owners are wondering if next month will be their last month in business.
This is not just a cost of living crisis; this is a crisis of dignity. Let me be clear. It is not the people who have failed. It is policies brought forth by the Liberal government that have failed.
This week, the introduced his first major spending bill, the 2025-26 main estimates. After taking over a bloated government, Prime Minister Carney promised to spend less. Instead, he has increased spending by 8%, nearly three times the combined rate of inflation and population growth. Worse still, there is no budget. The government is asking Parliament to approve over half a trillion dollars in spending without a budget. It is the first time in over 60 years outside of COVID. If single moms, seniors and small businesses have to budget before they spend, a banker must do the same. The Prime Minister said he had a plan, but this is not planning; it is reckless spending. We have a phrase in policing: fail to plan, plan to fail.
Let us not forget that Parliament voted just a week ago to demand a full budget this spring. The Liberal government has ignored the will of the House. This bill defies not just math; it defies democracy.
To my colleagues in the Liberal government, I say this respectfully. Get to work for regular Canadians. Be bold. Do not just talk about a hinge moment. Turn the handle. Open the door. If plans are not working, take ours. Canadians do not care who gets the credit. They want results.
We believe in policies that reflect lived experiences, whether it is fixing gaps in public safety or reforming taxes that will hit working families the hardest. If members want to know what matters to Windsorites most, all they have to do is tune into AM 800 for Mike and Meg, catch Ms. Maluske on the evening news or listen to Mayor Dilkens or any of the many independent journalists on social media. Windsorites want affordability, they want accountability, they want results and, more than anything else, they want to be heard.
Windsor is a tough city. We have weathered border uncertainty, plant closures and more than a few broken promises from politicians, yet we always rise. We have union workers and entrepreneurs, new Canadians and fourth-generation families, and skilled tradespeople and students all trying to make it and make it matter, because they give a damn about their city and their country.
To me, being Canadian means working hard, believing in fairness, helping a neighbour, saying sorry when someone else bumps into us and standing up for what is right, even when it is difficult. This House, as we know, is the beating heart of our democracy. I am here to serve with respect, humility and dignity.
I thank the people of Windsor West for sending me up here. They welcomed a young man from distant shores, gave him the opportunity to serve and protect, and now have given him a seat in Parliament. I will honour their trust. I look forward to working with every member in this Parliament.
:
Mr. Speaker, it is said that inflation is cooling, but families are not feeling it. That is because the real cost of living is not measured on spreadsheets. It is measured at the grocery store, the gas station and the dinner table.
Everywhere I go, I hear about it. The price of groceries has soared. Homes are out of reach. Mortgage renewals have doubled. Rents are breaking records. Families are living with constant anxiety, counting dollars, skipping meals and giving up on dreams. These are not statistics. These are real people with real struggles.
During the election last month, a man in my community said he had never cared about politics, but this election was different for him because he needed a break. He felt like he was treading water and needed something to change. He is not alone. According to H&R Block Canada, 85% of Canadians are living paycheque to paycheque. That is up from 60% just a year ago. That is not just economic pressure; that is a national emergency.
This is what happens when a government spends without discipline, borrows without limits and governs without a plan. The legacy of Liberal policy is not progress. It is the slow undoing of a family’s dignity. This year alone, the average Canadian family will pay $800 more to buy the same amount of food. It is not better food or more food, but just the same. Food costs continue to outpace inflation, and every grocery trip feels more painful.
When I visited the Newmarket Food Pantry, I saw the shelves were being emptied just as fast as they were being restocked. The beautiful thing was that there were a lot of donations from the community, but when I was speaking to the staff, they shared that they do their record keeping at month-end, and every month is a record month. That is the trend.
It is not just the people we might expect using the food pantry. It is families, seniors and young people. In fact, young people are disproportionately represented among those using the Newmarket Food Pantry because they cannot afford food. It has revealed a quiet crisis gripping Newmarket—Aurora and other communities across the country. People from all walks of life are facing food insecurity. The Newmarket community has responded with generosity, but the demand keeps growing. The reality is that kindness is not enough.
Affordability is the number one concern I hear about from my neighbours, and we must urgently bring down food costs, not make them worse through inflationary spending. When a government floods the economy with borrowed money, it weakens our dollar. When our dollar is weak, everything is more expensive, including food. It is basic economics, and Canadians are paying the price every day at the checkout lines.
What have the Liberals done? They have refused to table a budget. They have refused to show a path forward. Now they are asking Parliament to approve even more spending than the last government, with more spending announcements expected in the months ahead. Today, for example, there was another announcement for an increase in military spending, with no budget and without a single plan to balance the books. Let us call this what it is: It is not just mismanagement; it is economic negligence. The government has gone from saying the budget will balance itself to the budget will not be balanced to there will be no budget at all.
By refusing to present a budget until the fall, the Liberals will have gone over a full year without a federal budget, which would be the longest stretch since the 1960s, outside of the pandemic. What makes this even more insulting is that, while Canadian families are being crushed by an affordability and housing crisis, and communities are facing rising crime, the Liberal government sees no problem shutting the government down for the summer and walking away while Canadian families continue to struggle.
There was once a time, under both Liberal and Conservative governments, when fiscal responsibility was a shared national value. It was on that consensus that Canada built its prosperity. However, under Justin Trudeau, that consensus was shredded, and this Liberal government is taking it one step further. It is now not only continuing with the spending but also refusing to deliver a budget.
Yes, it is nice to see the Liberals, the NDP, the Bloc and the Greens finally catch up to ideas that Pierre Poilievre put forward years ago, such as lowering income taxes, eliminating the carbon tax and removing the GST on homebuilding, but let us be honest. The Liberals are showing up late and going only halfway. Pierre did not just talk about affordability, he also led with bold proposals. Therefore, if the Liberals now agree with Pierre, why have they not gone all the way? Why are Canadians still being crushed by a crisis the Liberals now admit exists but still refuse to address?
It is a moment for leadership, and leadership starts with a plan backed by numbers. It is called a budget. We must renew the generational contract, the idea that, if people work hard, play by the rules and give back, they can still get ahead. We cannot settle for timid consensus. We cannot govern with what makes the best headlines. We must act boldly and lead with principle.
The Liberals must do the right thing and deliver a budget, not in the fall, and not after another spending spree, but now. Let us build a Canada where no one fears the future, where food is affordable, where Canadian families can breathe again and where hope is not a luxury but a lived reality. I urge the government to stop the excuses, stop the delays and table a budget now.
:
Mr. Speaker, I will be sharing my time with the hon. member for .
As I rise for the first time as the member for the new riding of Scarborough Centre—Don Valley East, I would like to thank the residents of my riding for electing me to be their strong voice here in Ottawa. My pledge when I first ran in 2015 was that I would be my community's voice in Ottawa and not Ottawa's voice in my community. That is how I have governed myself for the last 10 years, and this will continue to guide me in all I do here.
I would like to thank all of the many volunteers who helped me knock on doors, make phone calls and put up signs. I thank them for their dedication and support. I thank my amazing campaign team and my staff, specifically Jeff Jedras, my campaign manager, and Nusrat Malim. Both have been working with me for the last 10 years and have worked hard to serve and fight for the community every day. I thank them for that. I also thank my family, my husband Salman and both my boys, Umaid and Usman. Nothing is possible without their love and support.
As we return to Parliament as a new government with a renewed mandate, let us pledge ourselves to not just work for those who voted for us. Let us pledge to work for all Canadians. This was my fourth election, and in many ways it was the most difficult. A record number of signs were destroyed, and volunteers were targeted and verbally abused. There was a level of anger and hostility that I have not seen before.
While I will never condone harassment and abuse, we must recognize that many Canadians are hurting. They are finding it harder to make ends meet. They feel like, no matter how hard they work, they cannot get any further ahead. They worry about what they will leave to their children. We may have different ideas about how we solve these issues, but it is important to acknowledge that we see them too. We share these same worries. Their concerns are valid, and they are our concerns too. I hope, as we return for the 45th Parliament, we can listen more than we speak, try to understand where each other is coming from and work together on the things that unite us, such as wanting to build a better community and a better country, and do better for our next generations.
I am here today to speak to a Conservative motion that purports to be concerned with affordability, a concern my constituents and I share. Indeed, affordability was a major focus of our government's throne speech, which was recently delivered by His Majesty King Charles III. I had the brief opportunity to speak with His Majesty in the other place following the speech. I mentioned to him that I was born in England in Coventry. I was born there, as my father studied at the university there. I was born in England, raised in Pakistan and immigrated to Canada, all Commonwealth countries.
The Commonwealth, the sovereign and the values they represent have always been very dear and important to me, and I was gratified to see those values reflected in the Speech from the Throne. On the campaign trail this spring, I heard three key messages: stand up for Canada; build more homes people can afford; and make life more affordable for everyone. The government's agenda, as outlined in the King's speech, tackles all three issues.
The and his government have been clear that we will resolutely defend Canada's sovereignty. It is time for a reimagined, balanced relationship with the U.S. that prioritizes our economic strength and independence, and we need to broaden our relationships. That means building stronger relationships with global trading partners and working to tear down internal trade barriers. It should not be harder for an Ontario business to sell to British Columbia than it is to sell to Colombia.
Our plan for a more affordable Canada starts with a middle-class tax cut that would save the average two-income family up to $840 a year, effective Canada Day. That is more money in the pockets of my constituents to help pay for groceries and other expenses. That is just one example of how we are helping Canadians cope with everyday expenses.
Enrolment in the Canadian dental care plan is now open to all eligible Canadians. With one in four Canadians saying they could not visit an oral health provider because it was too expensive, our plan is helping over eight million eligible Canadians without insurance get access to the dental care they need.
We are also helping with affordability by taking the GST off homes at or under $1 million for first-time homebuyers. That is up to $50,000 to help Canadians entering the housing market for the first time, meaning lower mortgage payments and more money to help cover other expenses. Our government will also continue to build on programs such as the Canada child care program, which is saving Canadians thousands of dollars and allowing parents to return to the workforce sooner.
Let us talk about housing. In recent years, this has been the number one issue my constituents have raised with me. Whether it is apartments, townhouses, duplexes or detached homes, in my area and in many areas across the country there is a real lack of housing that people can afford. Simply put, Canada needs to build more homes that people can afford. How do we do that? It is time to think big, with the most ambitious housing program in Canada since World War II. We will double the rate of homebuilding while creating an entirely new housing industry. We will do it with Canadian lumber, Canadian technology and most important of all, Canadian skilled labour.
The housing crisis demands bold action. “Build Canada homes” is our plan to construct 500,000 affordable homes annually, doubling the current rate. By investing dollars in prefabricated housing and in low-cost financing, we will cut costs and build faster. We are eliminating red tape, halving development charges and using federal lands for affordable housing. Inspired by our postwar success, we will create jobs, train workers and ensure that every Canadian can afford a home in a community they love.
We cannot solve the housing crisis alone; “build Canada homes” needs provinces and cities to join us. By aligning zoning laws, streamlining permits and sharing costs, we can build 500,000 affordable homes every year. Provinces can reduce the bureaucratic hurdles, and cities can prioritize high-density projects. Together, we will ensure that every Canadian has a home. Together, we can build a stronger, fairer Canada for all generations.
We must be clear-eyed about the challenges Canada is facing. Our economy is under attack. The world is an increasingly dangerous place, and Canada is not an island.
However, with challenges comes opportunity. The true test of Canada will be in how we choose to meet this challenge, so let us seize this moment to think big and dream bigger, to not just build new alliances but to lead them, and to model not just Canadian values but Canadian ingenuity. Together, there are no challenges we cannot meet. Let us bet on team Canada, because together we are the true north strong and free.
:
Mr. Speaker, before I begin, congratulations to you on your new role. You command authority from the chair as though you had been doing it for years. Best of luck to you. What I am getting at is that you look very comfortable in the position.
Before I speak to the particular motion before us, I want to take the opportunity to first thank the constituents of Kingston and the Islands for sending me back here once again to represent their voice in Parliament. I am humbled by the incredible amount of support our campaign had over the last number of months, and I take that responsibility as I think any of us should.
I want to very quickly thank some of the key people who played roles in my campaign: Ann Parker and Kelly Banks in particular, who led my campaign in a co-chair capacity; Nicole, who handled all of our get-out-to-vote coordination, as it takes a certain type of individual to do that job and she was extremely successful at it; Shawn, who managed all of our canvassing; Ryan, who was the official agent and made sure we stayed on budget and spent people's money wisely; Jill, who spent an incredible amount of time in the campaign office; and Larry, my fundraiser, who will tell us that his single best day of fundraising was the 24-hour period after Pierre Poilievre visited the riding, which did not go unnoticed, and people were very generous in the 24 hours following that.
I want to thank the volunteers who came out. This was my fourth federal election. I had two municipal elections before that. I have never before had that sheer number of people interested in volunteering and participating in a campaign. My wife and I started volunteer orientation sessions in February, and the number of people who came out to get involved in the campaign was truly inspiring. I have made some incredible connections and met some incredible people I did not know beforehand. I am so grateful for their participation.
This also gives me an opportunity to quickly mention the incredible people who work in my constituency office: Ann, Molly, Macla, Jennifer, Ashleigh and Nicole. As I think all members of the House would know, it is our constituency staff who are our voice back in our community. There was nothing quite as rewarding as when I would knock on a door during the campaign and someone would say that Ann or Jennifer in my office was able to help them out with a particular case. That truly is such an incredible feeling that I know all members of the House have.
Last but not least, I want to thank my family, including my incredible wife Vanessa, who was as much a part of the campaign as anybody else, not just for being there as an incredible support for me but also for just diving right into the middle of our campaigns and taking on so many key roles. I also want to thank our children: Mason, our oldest; Frankie, our middle child; and Vivian, our youngest. As today is Frankie's birthday, I wish him a happy birthday. He shares a birthday with my father, so I wish the two of them a happy birthday.
On that note, I thank my mother-in-law, Fran, and my parents, John and Assunta, who have always been extremely supportive. My dad never missed an opportunity to remind me of how many signs he put up throughout the election. I am pretty sure by the end he had put up three or four times as many as we had put up in total. Nonetheless, I am extremely grateful for their support.
Today we are talking about the opposition motion. In particular, after reading a bit of the preamble, I note that it stresses the desire of the opposition to have a budget introduced prior to the House's rising in a couple of weeks. I find it quite interesting that the proposal would come forward, given that I am pretty sure, if we look back in history, there has been no government that from election day to being sworn in has produced a budget. I do not think that has ever happened.
As a matter of fact, if we look back to Stephen Harper, who was the last prime minister of another political party, when he first came to office, it took him three months before he was able to table a budget. Therefore it is extremely germane, and I guess a more proper term would be that it is extremely responsible, to make sure that when we introduce a budget we do it in a way that thoroughly reflects the needs of Canadians and does the proper consultation.
We want to make sure that we get it right. We want to make sure that we get feedback from Canadians in putting that together. That is why the has committed to doing it in the fall.
I will say this, as it relates to defence, and I am sure this will be part of that, given the announcement today: As it relates to the budget, our commitment will be to defence and getting our commitment to 2%.
I found the exchanges today in the House of Commons quite interesting. I heard the member for challenging the government about not investing in defence. He was the parliamentary secretary for national defence when Stephen Harper allowed our investment in national defence to drop below 1% of GDP for the first time ever in our history. The member for Selkirk—Interlake—Eastman, the critic for defence, is challenging us on our commitments to NATO and how we can invest more and spend more as it relates to national defence. I find that to be extremely rich, given the history that he, in particular, has on that file and that Conservatives have, more holistically speaking.
The other thing I wanted to touch on, very briefly, is the number of times in this debate and in the debate on the Speech from the Throne that I heard Conservatives talking about our copying their ideas. Somebody got up earlier while I was sitting here and spoke about three ideas we stole from them. The opposition should know that this is its job. The job of opposition members is to come here and put forward ideas and say they think that, while we have an idea, this one is even better.
Rather than celebrate the fact that the government is listening to the opposition and perhaps incorporating some of the opposition members' ideas, they are asking, how dare we do what they were going to do? I would say to my colleagues in the Conservative Party that, as they say, imitation is the best form of flattery. I hope that they are flattered to know that we do like some of their ideas. They do have some good ideas. This is certainly not the first time I have ever said this while standing here.
More importantly, what I would say to my Conservative friends is that perhaps they should have spent more time developing policy and presenting actual policy over the last two years rather than standing up and just reciting three-word slogans time after time after time. That is what we heard. Remember “fix the budget” and “axe the tax”? They meant nothing. Canadians saw right through them.
If their criticism is to ask how we dare take their idea and articulate it in a way that resonates with people, I do not know what to say. We love good ideas. We love good policy. We will always look to see how we can improve upon the policies that we have, sometimes by working with the Conservatives. We all know that we did it in the last Parliament with the NDP. We were able to bring in some monumental legislation, policies such as dental care, pharmacare, $10-a-day child care and a national school food program. If we can continue to invest in these programs and prop them up to be what they should be, these will be things that last a long time.
If the Conservatives want to come along and say that they have an idea too but ask how we dare steal it, I would suggest that they understand what their role is in the House. Their role in the House is to bring forward their good ideas and to push the government to improve upon various pieces of legislation with the ideas that they have in mind, not simply reciting three-word slogans ad nauseam.
:
Mr. Speaker, I will be splitting my time today with the member for .
I am going to share with the House today some recent figures from the consumer price index, Canada's primary measure of inflation. Quite frankly, they are astonishing. As of April, prices of food purchased from stores have increased by 3.8%. This marks the third consecutive month in which grocery prices have risen faster than the general cost of living. Key contributors include the following: fresh or frozen beef, up 16.2%; coffee and tea, up 13.4%; sugar and confectionery, up 8.6%; and fresh vegetables, up 3.7%. These numbers are not just statistics. They represent real struggles for Canadians trying to put food on the table.
Let us break this down a little further. Ground beef has risen to $14.17 per kilogram. Tomatoes have risen to $4.69 per kilogram. Two kilograms of white rice is $9.82. Are we ready for this? A pack of bacon is $6.85. Let us have a look at just pure essentials: milk, two litres, is $5.38; white bread is $3.48 a loaf; and infant formula now costs $48.24. For parents who are unable to breastfeed, whether for medical, physical or personal reasons, this is not a choice. It is a necessity. For nearly $50 a container, how is the average Canadian supposed to afford the basic nutrition their baby needs to grow and thrive?
For many families across Canada, grocery shopping has become more than a routine errand; it has become a high-stakes strategy game. Parents are now forced to adopt tactics just to make ends meet, scanning for clearance stickers, timing their visits to catch markdowns and relying on discount racks where the freshness of the food is, at best, questionable. These are not just cost-saving habits. They are survival strategies, and they speak volumes about the growing cost of living.
I would like to break this down to one example of what many would consider a modest, affordable dinner, spaghetti and meat sauce with a salad: one pound of beef, $4.72; two cans of tomatoes, $4.22; two onions, $2.00; milk for the family, $5.38; pasta sauce, $3.22; iceberg lettuce, $3.07; salad dressing, $3.29; and noodles, two packs, $3.94. That is a total of $29.84 for just one dinner. Now, we can multiply that by 30 days. That is $895.20 to eat just the same basic meal every night for 30 days, with no breakfast, no lunch, no snacks, no fruit, no eggs, no bread, no cleaning supplies and no toiletries. That is just dinner. It is no wonder that more and more families are slipping below the poverty line.
I recently spoke with people at Extend-A-Family in Kitchener, which is doing incredible work supporting children and adults with disabilities. They shared with me that after being granted the disability tax credit, individuals with disabilities still struggle to meet their basic needs. Every month, they fall short on essentials such as food, shelter and transportation. There is simply not enough. We need to do better.
I bring this up because we need a plan for Canadians. As a government, planning is not optional; it is our responsibility. At the heart of any meaningful plan is a budget. How can anyone, whether families, businesses or governments, make sound financial decisions without a budget? The answer is simple: They cannot.
Without a budget, there is no road map, no way to allocate resources, no way to prepare for the future and no way to ensure that the most vulnerable among us are not left behind. Some may ask, “Why should I care if the government releases a budget? How does that affect my life?” Here is how: The federal budget is Canada's financial blueprint. It outlines how the government plans to spend, invest and manage public funds to support our economy and our people.
It matters deeply. Here is why: It helps steer the economy by funding infrastructure, job creation and innovation, laying a foundation for long-term growth. It determines how much support goes to social services, things Canadians rely on every day. It sets tax policies and decides how revenue is collected and then distributed, impacting what Canadians pay and therefore what they receive in return. It manages our national debt and ensures financial stability for future generations. At the heart of today's discussion, it addresses cost of living and affordability. It addresses inflation, housing affordability and everyday expenses, issues that are hitting Canadians harder than ever. Therefore, yes, a budget matters. It is not just a document. It is a reflection of our priorities, our values and our commitment to the people we serve.
Navigating financial uncertainty is difficult under any circumstances, but when government plans remain unclear, it becomes nearly impossible. The absence of a clear, structured budget has created a ripple effect in uncertainties for individuals, families and businesses across this country. Without a financial road map, we lack the stability and direction needed to support Canadians effectively. A well-defined budget does more than allocate dollars. It provides transparency, ensures fiscal responsibility and empowers Canadians to plan their financial future with confidence.
As inflation continues to drive up the cost of living, we need more than vague promises. We need concrete measures. We need a budget that addresses economic challenges head-on and delivers real relief to the households that are struggling the most. There is a cost of living crisis in Canada right now. About 50% of Canadians are living paycheque to paycheque, according to Equifax Canada. This year, Canadians will pay nearly $17,000 for food, an $800 increase from last year. There goes that tax cut. Two million Canadians visit food banks in a single month. Social media is filled with videos of people crying and struggling to make ends meet. According to the latest data from Statistics Canada, just over 106,000 people left this country in 2024, marking the highest number of departures in nearly six decades.
Will the Liberal government finally listen to the voices of Canadians, voices that have echoed and been voted on in this House, and present a comprehensive budget this spring, a budget that outlines clear plans for economic recovery, affordability and long-term financial stability?
Canadians are not asking for the impossible. They are asking for clarity and leadership, and for the confidence that the government has a plan. They deserve to know where this country is headed and how they are going to get there. When will the Liberal government hold itself accountable to Canadians and put forward a budget? Will it be this spring?
:
Mr. Speaker, I rise today on behalf of the residents of Similkameen—South Okanagan—West Kootenay to speak concerning the motion that the member for has brought forward.
As I have mentioned previously in this chamber, during the election the price of groceries was the number one issue I heard about from families in my region and at the doors. One conversation stood out. A young mom answered the door, joined by her two young children, wondering who was at the door on a Saturday morning. When I asked what was most worrying her, she did not hesitate: The soaring cost of food was her top concern. Later that same day, I happened to run into her at the grocery store. She wanted to explain to me that over the past year, rising prices had pushed fresh fruits, vegetables and meats out of her budget. While at this point she could still afford inexpensive items like pasta, boxed meals and processed cereals, she knew, as someone who worked in the health profession, that feeding her children this way could have long-term consequences for their health.
We are at risk of raising a generation of children who, through no fault of their own, will create a way of life leading toward obesity, diabetes and heart disease. Many families, if not yet having to turn to food banks, are being forced to make unhealthy choices to simply get by. Centre aisle and dollar store grocery shopping is increasing. The cost to our health care system and to our collective Canadian well-being will be profound if we do not act.
The “Food Banks BC Hunger Report 2024” found that “the rates of food insecurity have almost doubled since 2019.” It also says, “Since 2019, the number of individuals accessing food banks has risen by 32%.” Worse yet, these increases are not single-stop visits, with many British Columbians relying on food bank services several times a month, further proof of deepening dependency just to afford breakfast, lunch and dinner. Thirty-one per cent of all food bank users in British Columbia are children, and 11% are seniors. Many food banks are attempting to serve more clients with fewer resources.
The 2024 hunger report is very clear on the causes:
The increasing rates of food insecurity in BC can be attributed to the following recent shifts:
Rapid interest rate hikes
The lack of available housing supply...
The loss of income supports...and...one-time affordability measures
Significant and rapid population growth without the social infrastructure [in place]
A slowdown in economic activity and a rising unemployment rate....
These all cross into the responsibilities of the federal Liberal government. Many of them are disasters that the Liberals spent years denying were ever occurring. It is a list of Liberal failures.
However, as the motion today is focused on the issue of food inflation, I will also highlight a report from the Salvation Army food bank in Penticton, my hometown, which says, “Since Covid ended, inflation has been the main driver, increasing visits by 40%.... We are seeing more homeowners and people who got out of poverty that have slid back into it.”
Communities across my region and Canadians across the country expect Parliament to address escalating grocery prices with every tool available, including countering inflationary pressures caused by a decade of wasteful spending from the Liberal government.
We have heard much since Parliament began that this will be a new government, but what confidence can we have in the same old ministers to address rising grocery prices when they have failed on exactly that issue for years? In fact, the was also the Liberal minister of industry who declared he had struck a deal with Canada's five largest grocery chains to take action to stabilize food prices by Thanksgiving. That was Thanksgiving 2023. The minister's office said at the time that “in the coming days and weeks[,] Canadians can expect to see actions such as aggressive discounts across a basket of key food products that represent the most important purchases for most households”. The minister's office also said at the time, “If we don’t see results, we will take additional action to restore the food price stability that Canadians expect.”
Well, it has been 20 months since that statement. Let us check the numbers. In 2023, Dalhousie University's Agri-Food Analytics Lab did a food price report and estimated the average family of four spent $15,595 on groceries. That has now risen to $16,834 in 2025. That is an increase of $1,239 a year in cost to Canadians since the said that he would stabilize grocery prices as industry minister.
Most Canadians do not get promotions if they fail at their job. Apparently, this rule does not apply to Liberal ministers. Five months into 2025, food inflation has skyrocketed well above the normal inflation rate. Beef is up 12% to 33%, pork and chicken breasts are up nearly 6%, oranges are up 26%, apples are up 18%, rice is up 14% and infant formula is up 9%. These are not luxury items. These are basic staples that parents need to feed their children properly or we risk creating unhealthy food habits and severe health challenges for future generations. This will also lead many Canadians into poverty.
Liberal ministers will blame American tariffs for these increases, yet food price increases in France, Germany, Italy and the U.K. remain well below ours, and they all remain under the same threat of these tariffs. To counteract made-in-Canada inflation, Canadians first need to see a full accounting in a federal budget of how the Liberals intend to spend the half a trillion dollars in new spending compared to how much they are bringing in revenue. This new spending already represents the first broken promise of the Liberal government, as it increases spending by 8%, when the promised to cap it at 2%.
Without a full accounting of our federal spending in the House, we risk creating more inflation and more price hikes as Canadians shop for groceries. The said he would be held accountable for the prices Canadians pay at the grocery store. Every Liberal member supported a throne speech that, thanks to a Conservative amendment passed by my Bloc and NDP colleagues, called for a budget to be tabled before this House rises for the summer. We certainly hope that is not yet another promise the Liberals intend to break.
:
Mr. Speaker, it is always a pleasure to rise and speak to an opposition day motion. I guess I am not supposed to heckle, but it kind of got the best of me. It was one of those great conspiracy moments from the members opposite. As they try to get an understanding as to why there is no budget being introduced, they come up with all these weird explanations, so they can breed fear among the population, as if there is something abnormal about this.
Let us put the record straight. Let us talk about what the Conservatives like to talk about: the budget. I want them to reflect, and I say this to my Conservative friends, on Pierre Poilievre in the last federal election. They might recall that they had a 100-day action plan, and they had initiatives that they were going to be taking. Let me tell members about one of the initiatives that was not there: a budget. Pierre Poilievre had no intention whatsoever of presenting a budget. The election was on April 28; that was not that long ago.
An hon. member: It sounds like a conspiracy.
Hon. Kevin Lamoureux: Mr. Speaker, the Conservatives are starting to put on the tinfoil hats again. April 28 was not that long ago, and we need to respect the fact that it does take time to develop and put forward a budget that is reflective of an election platform. After all, we have a new and a new government, and through that, there are many different initiatives that will need to be brought into the budget.
There are other things happening, not only here in Canada, but in the North American economy. President Trump, tariffs and trade are a sample of that, along with other things. I believe having a new prime minister does warrant some time in order to bring forward a budget to Canadians, which has been committed to come in the fall. I am told that Brian Mulroney took almost 300 days to present a budget after he became Prime Minister. Stephen Harper was elected as Prime Minister in February, and he presented a budget in May.
As such, I believe that, as much as the Conservatives want to come up with these conspiracy-type theories as to why there is no budget, they are not going to be able to fool Canadians. There is an expectation that, at the end of the day, it takes time to put together a national budget to spend billions and billions of dollars. I was encouraged when we had a vote last week on the ways and means, which kind of said where the money is going to be spent, at least in part.
Members might not believe this, but the Conservatives actually voted in favour of the ways and means motion. In fact, it was unanimous. Every member of the House of Commons recognized it. The Conservatives were voting in favour of the government's estimates, and they recognize that there are things not only here coming out of an election, but that are happening around the world, in particular in the United States. Given the fact that it took other prime ministers anywhere from several months to 100 days, Pierre Poilievre did not even commit to a budget and Brian Mulroney took 300 days, I do not think it is too much to ask for us to be reasonable in recognizing that it is better to make sure that we put the budget before the House in such a fashion that we have had the time to take into consideration the election platform, among other initiatives.
What we have seen coming out of the election is a government that is focused in a very significant way on several issues, but the issue of affordability is there. It is real. It is tangible. We all know that. We all knocked on doors.
We do not need to be told by the Conservatives how difficult it is for Canadians. We understand it and we appreciate it. The knows that. That is the reason his very first initiative was to indicate that he would give a tax break to 22 million Canadians. That is recognizing the issue of affordability.
The Conservatives pussyfooted around it. They did not know what they were going to do, because after all, back in 2015, they voted against a tax break. Then they realized that maybe it was a lesson learned from that time and that, yes, it is something they should be voting in favour of this time around. I am grateful. Seriously, I think it is wonderful.
There are other initiatives the government has brought forward, but before I leave the issue of affordability, members should be aware that affordability is more than just giving a tax break. Look at the number of initiatives this has reinforced we will continue with, such as child care. Child care has a very positive impact in every region of our country. We know from what took place in the province of Quebec, which pioneered it for the rest of Canada by developing and putting in place a child care program, that there will be more participation in the workforce, by women in particular. We have seen that and the benefits of it.
The Conservatives would argue that they do not support that sort of affordability issue. In fact, back in the day, they said they would tear it all up. There is a strong argument to be made, and I would make that argument, that it is in Canada's best interests to continue to support that program, because it increases the workforce, not to mention the social benefits for Canadians, to have that program. It is saving literally thousands and thousands of dollars for many individuals.
We hear Conservative after Conservative talk about the issue of inflation, and justifiably so. I am very much concerned about inflation, as I know the and all my colleagues are. If we do a comparison, we might not necessarily be the best, but looking at the G20 countries over a span of a couple of years, we see that Canada does reasonably well. We have put in place certain initiatives to try to give that even more strength, especially to protect food prices.
I think of changes that were made, for example, to the Competition Act. A good motivator for the Competition Act changes was food price instability, and one of the arguments back then was that we needed more competition in Canada because we have just five major grocery companies. It was felt that we needed more competition. We used to have six. We used to have Shoppers Drug Mart, which carried a good line of food products, but it was consumed under Loblaws. Interestingly enough, Pierre Poilievre was part of the government that allowed that to take place. We brought in legislation to ensure that there would be healthier competition because we believe that more competition does have an impact on the issue of providing food. That is a very positive initiative.
The grocery sector code of conduct took a while to put in place, but for the first time, we have a grocery sector code of conduct. It is in the implementation stage, but there was a great deal of effort there. We have a who recognizes the true value of that and has it as a part of the overall package to ensure that consumers are not being exploited.
The food file is a very important one. We need to recognize there are some factors, some issues out there that affect the cost of food that are beyond the government's control. Weather is a factor. The whole production line, I would suggest, is something we need to note, as are demand and supply. We all would like to see the price of food go down, but at a time of instability, we have to look at what the government can do to assist in ensuring people have food. The national school food program is one way we can ensure that children in Canada have nutritious food in schools. Again, we see it as a very strong and healthy program to advance.
There are opportunities for all of us to look internally within the constituencies we represent and talk about the types of things that could make a difference. I think of the issue of housing, which is of great concern to Canadians. I have made reference to the “build Canada homes” program, which is going to employ Canadians. It is going to take up Canadian technology. It is going to take up Canadian labour. It is going to expand the number of houses so we can get an increase in supply.
We can take programs such as that one, which has been proposed and will be funded, and complement them with some of the actions we have seen in Bill , such as the first-time home builder tax break. If someone is building their first home, they will not have to pay the GST on it, saving literally thousands of dollars. There is a $1-million cap on that, but it is taking a holistic approach to the issue of housing because we want to see more homes being built here in Canada.
From the federal government's perspective, we are prepared to lead on the file, but let there be no doubt that it is going to take more than just the federal government. Housing is a shared responsibility among the different levels of government and should be encouraged even with the many non-profit organizations out there.
I am glad to hear the Conservatives are going to be supporting the elimination of the GST for first-time homebuyers. That is great, but I think they need to look even deeper than that. Their track record is not really that good on housing. All one needs to do is take a look at Pierre Poilievre when he was the minister of housing. The first thing that comes to my mind is the number six. A lot of people are aware of the number six when it comes to housing. It is relevant because when he was the minister of housing, that is the number of affordable houses he built in Canada; that is it. Wow.
I always find it interesting that Conservatives will stand in their places and be critical of the government when we have done more to support affordable housing than the previous government by a long shot. Members of the Conservative Party will downplay the accelerator fund, for example. Publicly, they will do that, but privately, we have a dozen to 18 of them who go around saying they want some of that money; they want some of that fund. Privately, they support it, but publicly they do not because they do not believe the government should be directly involved or give a tax break. Listen to what they say to the cities and the municipalities. It is a completely different approach to dealing with housing. I believe that with the budget coming up in the fall, we will get a better appreciation of what kind of role the federal government can play in leading the housing file.
We have other issues that deal with affordability. The dental care program is an excellent one. How many children or seniors have benefited from that program? Another initiative by our new is to expand that program, recognizing the value of having it, as it is helping a lot of low-income individuals in every region of Canada. Being able to provide a program of that nature does make affordability much better for the average person having a difficult time.
It is interesting when Conservatives talk about issues such as inflation and affordability and try to give the impression that the government is not doing a good job. I always think about the issue of poverty. Over the last number of years, we have witnessed hundreds of thousands of seniors being taken out of poverty because of social program initiatives such as the enhanced GIS program and the enhanced and modified Canada child benefit program. These types of programs have had a profoundly positive impact in Canada, in every region of our nation, and we need to recognize them.
That is why when we read the throne speech, we find, and I will get to some of these core things, it highlights that the social programs we have are worth preserving where we can. This is really important. On the pharmacare program, think of the constituents each of us has who have diabetes. The pharmacare program will allow them to have more disposable income and keep more disposable income in their pockets.
When we think of the issue of affordability, we have to look at what is happening to and influencing inflation. The threats we are hearing from President Trump about the tariffs and trade in general are obviously going to have somewhat of an impact on employment, inflation and potentially interest rates.
That is why I think Canadians, when contrasting the to Pierre Poilievre, saw in the Prime Minister an individual who has a comprehensive understanding of how an economy works. He is one of the most able-minded individuals in North America, I would argue, who understands what it is going to take to make sure Canada is able to build a strong Canada, a Canada that works for everyone.
We have seen that in the legislation we have introduced, legislation we talked about during the campaign. I am referring to having one economy and taking down internal barriers, potentially achieving somewhere in the neighbourhood of $200 billion in direct benefits by having provinces and Ottawa work closer together. There is also the security of our borders, not to mention additional investments. I have already talked about Bill , but there are additional investments for the Canadian Forces. There are all sorts of initiatives.
There is in fact a plan, and the plan is coming together. In due course, as the has indicated, come fall we will get a detailed budget. I remind my colleagues across the way that they voted for the ways and means motion, the estimates, and I was pleased to see that. We will go through the summer and come fall time, we will have that budget.
:
Mr. Speaker, I want to start off by congratulating you on being selected as the Deputy Speaker for this Parliament. We wish you all the best. It is good grooming for the next session.
I rise today to speak about the Conservative opposition day motion regarding food inflation and the lack of a Liberal budget. As a businessman, I have always seen budgets as opportunities to provide a clear path forward, one that even shows priorities and what matters most to a company or organization. A budget builds consensus or direction and keeps us all on the same path. In fact, I have heard it said that a budget is a blueprint for freedom, and I would concur. A budget is like a map. It helps us prepare for the future so we can assess how much is coming in and how much is going out. However, a budget is more than just numbers. It is about making wise choices. A good budget takes care of the needs and saves a little for the wants. Let us break that down a bit here.
The , who went across the country claiming he was “the man with the plan”, is not providing the blueprint for his plan. Here we are, about to spend a half a trillion dollars with no budget. Look at what happened right after the throne speech. We were told that our new government would cap operating spending at 2% annually. Then, not even two hours later, a bill was introduced that boosted overall spending by 8%. That is 8% more than the Trudeau government spent in the last year of office, yet we were told the current government would spend less.
The is spending more not on investments but, oddly, on consultants. I remember reading about a senior policy adviser with the Treasury Board who said that when hiring consultants, it was hard to tell if the contract was successful or not. He added that he knew of numerous cases where consultants were hired to check the work of other consultants. In other words, we paid money to consultants to check the work of consultants. What an incompetent government. Here we are, with spending on consultants up to a record $26.1 billion. That is more than a 36% increase in one year. To help us better understand how much that means for the average Canadian citizen, it is roughly $1,400 spent on consultants for every single household in Canada.
As the National Post said, the Liberal government is spending more than the previous Justin Trudeau government did, with no plan on ever getting back to a balanced budget.
We need a budget. That is why Parliament voted for the Conservative amendment to the throne speech calling for a budget this spring. That is also why Conservatives are giving the another opportunity to produce a budget. Canadians need to see a plan that outlines how he will pay for all this spending. Members will remember how, throughout the campaign, we heard Mr. Carney promising that he had a plan ready to go, a plan—
:
Mr. Speaker, members will remember that, during the campaign, the promised that he had a plan ready to go, that “a plan beats no plan”. I ask this: Where is the plan?
By the way, I also want to split my time.
I have read arguments in some media against providing that plan, and none of them are compelling or convincing. What is interesting is that, in my reading, I discovered that the three longest times between budgets were during World War II, during COVID and in 2001. Do members know what I found out? All three of those periods were under Liberal governments.
As I explained at the beginning of my speech, a budget is a plan. It is a direction. It is a path forward that reveals and expresses what is important. As we heard from the National Post's assessment, right now, it appears that there is no intention of ever balancing the budget.
Let us ask that question: Why does rising government debt matter? According to Jay Goldberg in the Winnipeg Sun, “[multiple] studies have shown that an increasing debt-to-GDP ratio puts upward pressure on long-term interest rates, raising borrowing costs for [individuals, families and] governments”, all leading to an increased tax burden for families and the middle class, and creating “barriers to economic growth.”
The truth is that Liberal deficit spending also leads to higher prices at the grocery store. A recent Parliamentary Budget Officer report says the cost of servicing public debt, while currently sitting at $49.1 billion for 2025-26, will rise to just under $70 billion in the 2029-30 fiscal year. That means that, just to carry increased debt, we would be paying $70 billion in interest on our debt alone. Members can imagine what we could be doing with $70 billion, but it is going to go to paying the interest on today's spending.
We may recall that the said that we would judge him by the price Canadians pay at the grocery store. That being the case, let us look at some of those price increases for just this year to date. Beef is up 34%. Oranges are up 26%. Apples are up 18%. White rice is up 14%. Sweet potatoes are up 12%. Beef rib cuts are up almost 12%. Coffee is up 9%. Infant formula is up 9%. Meatless burgers, although I do not know who would eat those, are up 6%. Chicken breasts are up 6%. Pork rib cuts are up 6%. Pork shoulders are up 5%. Eggs are up 3.6%.
I find it very interesting that our supply management food processors have had the least increase. What is concerning is that the most significant increases are in the meat category, the protein that we all so desperately need, with 4% to 34% increases right across the board. Canadians are going to pay almost $17,000 on food this year alone, an increase of $800 from last year, all while two million Canadians visit the food bank each and every month.
How can Canadians afford this? Statistics Canada, in its latest report, looked at the annual income in Canada. The latest information shows that the median household income in our country in 2025 will be $68,400. If we take 30% off of that in taxes, that leaves us with $47,000. In other words, over one-third of a family's after-tax income will go to food alone. We heard in the House today that the cost of living in Ontario averages 52% of household income. That leaves a whopping 13% of a family's income for everything else, including transportation, clothing, entertainment and miscellaneous.
Canadians need more than elbows up. We need to get our elbows down and get to work. The said that he would collect $20 billion from the United States through tariffs, yet tariffs are, in effect, at zero for products coming from the United States. Only weeks ago, we were assured that there would be no more tariffs supplied to Canada, yet here we are. We are now facing a doubling of tariffs on steel and aluminum. With Canada being the world's fourth largest aluminum producer and top aluminum exporter, this is concerning.
In Canada, we produce approximately 3.3 million tonnes of aluminum every year, and all the projections say that production will increase. Demand is expected to increase by as much as 40% in the next five years. Aluminum mining supports 9,500 direct jobs and 20,000 indirect jobs. When we translate those numbers into the impact on working Canadians, in Canada, we are talking about 30,000-plus jobs that are going to be affected by these tariffs.
A 50% tariff was very alarming as the United States was Canada's largest export destination for a aluminum products, which accounted for 92% of total aluminum exports. From what we see, plans continue all around us. For example, I wonder which countries Canada may be talking to regarding the purchase of our raw materials. How are those conversations going?
When the President of the United States returned from a recent trip to the Middle East, he announced, upon his return, hundreds of billions of dollars in trade. According to the presidential announcements, the EGA plans to build a $4-billion plant in Oklahoma next year. That smelter will have the capacity to produce as much as 600,000 tonnes a year of primarily aluminum. This will almost double the production of aluminum in the United States. We cannot be led by these promises without seeing the plan forward.
I remember very recently we kept hearing our friends on the other side recite that we needed to take their word for it, as they repeatedly claimed that the carbon tax was not causing inflation. Meanwhile, the Parliamentary Budget Officer explained that the total cumulative effect of the carbon tax, even after the rebates, meant that most families were paying more. All the while, we kept saying, when we tax the farmer who grows the food, the trucker who transports it, the store that sells it and the family who buys it, prices will inevitably go up.
Then, as soon as the Liberal government finally heeded the Conservative plea to remove the carbon tax, Statistics Canada announced that the decrease in inflation was directly related to the removal of the carbon tax. The very next month, inflation went down from 2.3% to 1.7% in one month.
To wrap it up, the Liberals need to take a lesson from our common-sense advice. I invite them to consider the wisdom of our opposition motion. Canadians are depending on a plan that shows them the way forward.
:
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to join the debate on the opposition motion, which calls for the government to table “a fiscally responsible budget before the House adjourns for the summer, that reverses [the] inflationary policies” of the past nine and a half years under the Liberal government.
Let us be clear about a few things. The government most assuredly is not a new government. There has not been a change of government; it is a continuation of the existing government. There is a new ; that is true, but there is not a new government, nor is his presence new. The Prime Minister spent the last five years as an adviser to the last prime minister.
Anyone attending question period can see for themself that the front bench in the current Parliament is a lot like the front bench in the last Parliament. The new is the former deputy prime minister and finance minister, as well as the former global affairs minister and trade minister. The new is the former industry minister, as well as the former global affairs minister and infrastructure minister. The new President of the King's Privy Council was the president of the King's privy council in the last government, and so on along the front benches.
Therefore the government is absolutely the same Liberal government that we have endured for the last nine and a half years. The same crew of ministers and advisers that has provided over nine and a half years of economic and fiscal vandalism is still in charge. In the timeless words of Pete Townshend and sung by Roger Daltrey:
Meet the new boss
Same as the old boss.
The government, with a bunch of the same ministers, came into power in 2015. It inherited a balanced budget and what the New York Times in 2015 called Canada's middle class: the wealthiest middle class in the world. I know that the Liberals would appreciate that as a newspaper of record.
The Liberals were elected on a promise to run modest deficits to fund “unprecedented investments in infrastructure” that would lead to the budget's balancing itself in 2019. None of that happened. The Liberals immediately plunged Canada into structural deficits without building any of the productivity-enhancing infrastructure they had promised, and they presided over a decade of zero per capita economic growth.
Every single year, they piled on more and more debt while claiming to be bound by various fiscal metrics, always moving their own goal posts. Fiscal anchors and guardrails were declared and immediately discarded. Their 2015 election promise to balance the budget was completely forgotten. By early 2020, some $90 billion had already been added to the national debt before anybody had even heard of COVID-19. In early 2020, the country was on the brink of recession, and the Liberals were about to blow through all their budgetary projections and table a $60-billion deficit. What followed in the years since was that another $400 billion was added in deficit spending, the majority of which had nothing to do with pandemic relief.
Here we are today. After nine and a half years of uninterrupted inflationary spending, borrowing and money printing; after nine and a half years of the Liberal government's consistently exceeding every previously announced spending limit; and after nine and a half years of bloat, waste, insider dealing, sweetheart contracting, self-enrichment and smug, sanctimonious self-congratulations, we are in the midst of a full-blown affordability crisis of the government's own making and with no plan to get out.
Right now, millions of Canadians are thinking very seriously about how they are going to feed their family in the upcoming week. For some, that might mean substituting chicken for beef. For others, that may be going without fresh meat and substituting something they can find in the discounted “previously frozen” section. Many families will go without meat, fresh fruit or fresh vegetables, and are wondering how many boxes of mac and cheese it will take to get them through the week or how they are going to put nutritious meals together for their kids' lunches. Many Canadians are increasingly unable to pay for food at all and are turning to food banks, which have seen record use across Canada under the government.
Not helping things at all is a housing crisis, which has also emerged during the government's nine and a half years. Average rent and mortgage costs have more than doubled since the government was elected in 2015. That is why we are debating the motion. We are in a food inflation crisis long in the making. All the elements of the food inflation crisis, which is exacerbated by a housing affordability crisis, were here long before the trade war, but now there is even greater urgency. Last week's food inflation numbers are horrific: The cost of beef sirloin is up 34%, oranges are up 26%, white rice is up 14%, infant formula is up 9%, and the list goes on. Canadian families will spend an average of nearly $17,000 on groceries this year.
We know that taxes, government spending, deficits and printing money all contribute to inflation; the government has admitted as much. We also know that the government once again claimed suddenly, during the most recent election, that it will do something to rein in its out-of-control spending, and we know that many Canadians appear to have believed the when he claimed to be different from the last prime minister and the other ministers who surrounded him in the last Parliament and said he was going to control spending.
The brandished his resume and boasted about his experience as a crisis manager, so where is the plan to deal with the crisis and bring down inflation, reduce food prices, increase housing supply and increase the productivity of the Canadian economy so Canadians who work hard can regain their place as the world's wealthiest middle class? It is nowhere; there is no plan to be found, because the Prime Minister refuses to table one.
The tabled an estimates bill, which appears to double down on all the failed policies and strategies of the past nine and a half years, but the government will not table a budget. In the absence of a budget, all we can do is judge the government by the estimates it has tabled, and the judgment is a terrible indictment of the new Prime Minister and the tired old government.
The estimates show that the government is on track to be even worse than before. The estimates show an overall spending increase of 8% at a time when the Liberals promised to restore fiscal discipline. It is an 8% increase in spending without concrete solutions for any of Canada's major problems. It is not fiscal discipline; it is just bloat. The massive 34% increase in the use of third party consultants is proof of both a refusal to deal with out-of-control spending and a clearly broken campaign promise.
I know there are some people in the press gallery or elsewhere who will say and have said that, no, the estimates are not comparable to last year, we cannot compare the main estimates from last year to this year, we have to wait until the supplementary estimates are tabled later in the year, and these are just the mains and not the government's full spending plan for the year. They ask whether we know the difference between the estimates and a budget. To those people, I say, yes, we do know the difference. The estimates are the money that the government will actually be authorized to spend. They are not a budget. That is exactly the point: There is no budget.
The Liberals campaigned on the 's being a safe pair of hands in a crisis and the “man with the plan”, and on just enough change that we might forget about how incompetent and unserious the previous government was for nine and a half years. Now it turns out that there is no plan at all, just a bunch of new spending that will have to be funded by taxes and borrowing, paid for by people who are literally struggling to put food on the table.
Parliament was adjourned, prorogued and then dissolved, since mid-December, so for nearly six months, Parliament sat idle. The last sort of mini budget was delivered by nobody. There was literally no name on the fall economic statement. No minister was attached to it during Justin Trudeau's last-ditch attempt to remain in power.
Six months later, Canadians are entitled to a detailed plan and at least some degree of honesty and transparency about how the government will tax, spend and borrow; how much the deficit will be; and whether there is any plan, even another phony plan, to eventually balance the budget. This is the absolute minimum owed by the government to Canadians. It was demanded by the people represented in the House last week, so let me add my voice to those calling on the government to table a budget before the summer. Canadians will not get fooled again.
:
Mr. Speaker, I was hoping to split my time with the member for , but you just told me that it is probably not going to happen. I am not going to get into some procedural wrangling with you about the close of the day.
I want to thank my colleagues in the Conservative caucus for using this opposition day to highlight a very serious matter about just how incompetent this start is for the new and the so-called new Liberal government.
However, because this is my first time on my feet in a speech scenario in this Parliament, I want to first of all express thanks and appreciation to everybody back home. As members may know, there was a redistribution in the last election. Ponoka—Didsbury is a new political entity. It did not exist in the previous three sessions. I was proudly the member of Parliament for the folks of Red Deer—Lacombe. I just want to say, to anybody back in Red Deer who is watching today, that I thank them so much for those three elections where they sent me to Ottawa to work on their behalf. I certainly enjoyed getting to know so many of them and working so hard on their behalf. I appreciate the good wishes and sentiments that many of them have sent to me in my new role.
Of course, there are the four bands at Maskwacis, whom I have actually represented since 2006 when the riding used to be called Wetaskiwin. I will certainly miss the conversations I have had up there with them. I am sure I will always be available if anybody there wants to have a chat with me. I am happy to continue to advocate for all people of Alberta, not just the people I represent or once represented. However, I want to thank them for the kindness they have shown me, the patience they have shown me and the goodwill they have extended to me for almost 20 years as the member of Parliament who represented that particular area.
When we lose about 50,000 people through redistribution, we have to gain another 40,000 or so back. With the good people in Mountain View County and in Red Deer County, we are just getting to know each other a bit through this election. To the people in Innisfail, Bowden, Olds, Didsbury and Benalto, I am very much looking forward to working very hard on their behalf and getting to know them all well. I am going to have to buy an economical vehicle. The riding has gone back up to a whopping 35,000-plus square kilometres, but they sent me here with a great endorsement. I want them to know, the over 56,000 of them who put an X beside my name, that it is not lost on me. The only promise I ever make during a campaign is that I will do my best on people's behalf, and they have that commitment from me.
I also want to thank all of the volunteers who came out and helped on the campaign. There are too many to name them all, but I just want to thank particularly Angie, Alyn, and Al; they were great. Larry, Ross, Abigail and Onsy were invaluable to me, and numerous other people came out and knocked on doors, put up signs and helped with the campaign. I thank them so much.
Last, to my family, this is my seventh term in the House of Commons, and I would not have been able to do any of the things that I am able to do here on behalf of the good people of central Alberta over the last seven elections and 19-plus years, if I did not have the support and blessing of my family: my wife, Barbara; my children; my parents, Gord and Bev; my brother Tim; my sister Wendy; and everybody who has supported me. When we run for office, we can give as much time to this endeavour as we want. It is hard to maintain friendships and family relationships sometimes, but they have stuck with me. For that, I am eternally grateful.
Here we are, talking about the opposition day motion. Quite succinctly, to those who are watching back home, what are we talking about today? The House actually just voted very recently, last week, asking that the government reverse course on its decision to blow off the Canadian people and not table or present a fiscal budget this spring.
Mr. Speaker, I have been here for a long time, almost as long as you. We have had offices and have been acquaintances for quite some time. I do not remember ever not having a budget in the spring. Everybody else has a budget. The provinces and territories have budgets. Our cities, towns and counties have budgets. The Lions Club has a budget, for heaven's sake, but not the Government of Canada. For some reason, we cannot seem to get that done.
The man with the plan is seemingly turning out to be a man with a scam in mind, if people ask me. What could possibly be the reason the government would not table a budget? Is it because it is in a minority? That does not make any sense, because, like I said, the Speaker and I have been here for the last seven Parliaments. The Speaker might have actually come in 2004, in which case I have been here for seven Parliaments and the Speaker has been here for eight. Only two of those Parliaments were majority Parliaments. The other five, in my case, and six, in the Speaker's, have been minorities, yet every minority government up until this point in time has had no trouble tabling a budget.
As a matter of fact, in 2005 the Speaker was here when Paul Martin, the prime minister at the time, and Jack Layton were able to draft up a budget on the back of a napkin. It was not a problem at all. Does everybody remember the napkin budget? They were able to do that in a minority Parliament and bring forward these ideas in a budget in 2005 to Canadians. For some reason, the current government does not seem to be able to do that, so it obviously has something else in mind.
Is it because the government does not have any experience? Is this Parliament so new that the government does not have any experience? That cannot be the case, because the current was a member of cabinet the entire time the Justin Trudeau government was in office. He is a very experienced parliamentarian.
As a matter of fact, the previous finance minister is only a couple of desks down. Anybody could ask the previous finance minister, who, if people remember, so ceremoniously presented the fall economic statement last year. We would think that just the Liberal budgets would cause chaos, but no, we actually had a situation in Parliament where I think the government was in contempt of Parliament for not tabling the fall economic statement, if I remember correctly. That was the debate at the time.
The government had asked for the House resources for that entire day, so proud of its fall economic statement, and then of course we remember how that turned out. As a matter of fact, it is actually such that, I think, if I have the stats correct, 80% of the spending in the current ways and means motion is under the care and control of people who have been in cabinet before, so it cannot be a lack of experience.
Is it because the government has a scam? I think it is. I think it is going to cook the books on operational versus capital. We are going to see this in the fall.