:
Madam Speaker, I rise today not necessarily surprised. I somewhat anticipated the Conservative Party's being consistent with its ongoing weeks and weeks of the multi-million dollar game the has chosen to play because of his personal self-interest and the interests of the Conservative Party.
Conservatives are not concerned whatsoever with what is happening to the real lives of people in our communities throughout the nation. I find that disrespectful. Ultimately, no matter how the Conservative Party performs inside the House of Commons, I can assure people following the debate that whether it is the or any other member of the Liberal caucus, we will continue to be focused on Canadians, understanding and appreciating the issues that are so vitally important.
Whether it is on issues surrounding affordability, on issues surrounding the legislation we are trying to bring through to protect children from online harm, or looking at ways in which we can shift responsibilities from military courts to civilian courts in order to protect the interests of sexually abused individuals, the government's focus will continue to be on advancing the interests of Canadians.
Having said that, it is very disappointing that the Conservatives have chosen to raise this particular report and then, after moving the motion, have moved an amendment that ultimately would have the report take priority over a very serious issue that the has been going out of his way to avoid.
The says he wants accountability; however, that accountability applies only to every other political entity and definitely not to the leader of the Conservative Party. Members would know full well that the public safety committee is attempting to deal with the issue of foreign interference, raising two countries in particular: India and Russia. The Conservative Party, under the instruction of the leader of the Conservative Party, is doing what it can to prevent that debate from taking place.
Conservatives do not want the Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security to be dealing with the issue of foreign interference. It is a very serious issue; we think of an individual Canadian having been murdered in Canada, extortion taking place in communities in Canada and political interference taking place in Canada, including in the leadership of the Conservative Party. In the leadership that the won, there are serious allegations of foreign interference.
There are all sorts of very serious issues in which the Conservative Party does not want accountability. This is highlighted in the . He is the only leader of the House of Commons today who continues to refuse to get the security clearance necessary in order to protect not his party quite frankly, even that would be good, but the interests of Canadians. He is putting his interests ahead of the interests of Canadians when it comes to foreign interference.
The question is why. What is the Conservative Party of Canada, in particular the , so scared of? What is the background of the leader of the Conservative Party? Is there something there that Canadians need to know? Is the reason he has chosen not to get the security clearance that he knows he is not going to be able to get the clearance? The reason the Conservative Party is trying to give to fool Canadians is absolutely bogus; there is no merit to it whatsoever.
Today, we now have a motion to amend, to make the public safety committee a priority, to stop the debate on the issue. They do not want us to be talking about international foreign interference. What is driving the of the Conservative Party to refuse to get that security clearance?
I should say that I will be sharing my time with the member for .
I can tell members that it is very upsetting to see the way the Conservative Party, over the last number of weeks, has conducted itself. People should not be surprised because Stephen Harper was the individual who was found to be in contempt of Parliament, and the of the Conservative Party was his parliamentary secretary. We know that Stephen Harper was his mentor in many ways. Today, we see the leader of the Conservative Party instructing the Conservative Party, the official opposition, to not only filibuster the House but also prevent a very important debate from taking place at the public safety committee.
Recently there was a story that was published on CBC. I would like to quote from it because it is important for Canadians to understand the degree to which the of the Conservative Party loves to have control. It says:
After two years of [the leader of the Conservative Party] as their leader, many Conservative MPs say they are much less free now than they were before his arrival.
The man who promised during his leadership run to make Canada “the freest country in the world” maintains tight control over the actions of his caucus members.
That is the type of control we are seeing today. Here is one of the comments in the article from a Conservative: “He's the one who decides everything. His main adviser is himself ... The people around him are only there to realize the leader's vision.”
This should be mandatory reading for all Canadians who want to understand the type of leader the of the Conservative Party is. He talks about freedom, but we have the example of how he has punished Conservative MPs in tangible ways for advocating for things, such as housing, in their own communities. MPs in the Conservative Party do not bring issues to the leader. It is the other way around. The leader of the Conservative Party has it backward.
The purpose of an MP is not to communicate messages from their leader. It is the opposite. We are supposed to be taking the pulse of our communities and bringing it to the attention of our leader. This story, which was updated on November 20, is worth the read because it gives us a sense of who the of the Conservative Party really is.
He needs to stop the filibuster. He needs to have more accountability for what is taking place. I would challenge the of the Conservative Party to have a debate on this issue in detail and not just have the slogans and the bumper stickers, which he is exceptionally well known for. Rather, let us get into the substance.
Let us see the leader of the Conservative Party get the security clearance, and if he is not going to get the security clearance, he should tell Canadians why. What is in his background that he is hiding from Canadians? That is what it is. He needs to come clean with Canadians, stop playing this political game of personal self-interest and start dealing with the interests of Canadians. He needs to allow the House and the committees to do the fine work that we know can be done in serving all Canadians.
:
Madam Speaker, I am pleased to be here today to contribute to this debate on the concurrence of a guns and gangs study that I was pleased to be part of at the public safety committee.
I am reflecting back on how, since just two years ago, times have changed. That study, which was on something that could have been quite controversial, ended up being one for which we had agreement amongst the members of the committee. We produced a report that the Conservatives actually agreed with when we tabled the report.
I find it surprising now that, here we are, two years later, and we have rhetoric and nonsense coming from the Conservative Party of Canada on a report that I am really proud of. At the time, I think that all of the members were very proud of it, especially of the way we were able to come together on an issue that is impacting our communities. Young people are joining gangs because of poverty and addiction. We know, and the report reflected this, that investments in communities can make a difference for these young people in whether or not they end up in the criminal justice system.
I am really disappointed that, once again, the Conservatives are trying to derail our current studies at the public safety committee. We are studying India and foreign interference, through which a Canadian was killed on Canadian soil, as well as Tenet Media and Russia's influence on misinformation in our country. This is something the Conservatives have tried to do repeatedly during both those studies. Today, they are trying to derail those two studies again. Twice we have had Conservatives move motions, once when we had the social media companies in to testify on Russia and once when we had national security experts there, and they were moving motions on completely unrelated topics.
These are issues that are impacting Canadians' lives. It seems like the Conservatives, much like their leader, who refuses to get the security clearance necessary to review, do not really want to study foreign interference. They make a big deal about having an interest in it, but they really do not.
There is a lot of revisionist thinking going on in this place as well. Bill passed, and I was proud to be part of the committee when we passed that bill, but the Conservatives keep referring to how the Liberal government brought in the least restrictive measures. It is funny that, when that bill went through committee, Conservatives did not oppose that clause, which was introduced by the NDP. Conservatives did not oppose the least restrictive clause on Bill when it went through committee.
However, now, with the revisionist history that has happened over the years, the Conservatives seem to think that they did. Perhaps they want to go back to just check the record of when that bill passed.
I am reading a book right now called Indictment by Benjamin Perrin. He was the man who shaped Stephen Harper's tough on crime policies as a special adviser and legal counsel to the prime minister. I want to read a quote from his book. He said, “In fact, I’d like to officially replace the term ‘tough on crime’ with ‘stupid on crime.’ It doesn't work. It makes us less safe, while costing a ton of taxpayers money.” To paraphrase former prime minister Harper's top guy on crime, he is saying tough on crime is tough on taxpayers and stupid on crime.
The Conservatives like to talk about how they want to keep Canadians safe, yet, time and time again, they have opposed smart gun control measures when we have brought them through the House. In Bill , there was a clause that ensured that firearms would be forfeited to the Crown in cases of domestic violence.
I had a friend whose husband was abusing her, and he was a firearms owner. When she went to court, the judge said that he had to give up his guns. Do members know where those guns went? They went to his brother because there was no requirement at the time that those guns be forfeited to the Crown. My friend lived in fear because she knew that her husband knew where those guns were. We changed that through Bill , something the Conservatives have said they are going to repeal. If my friend were to go to court today, those guns would go to the Crown, not to her husband's brother.
In Bill , we put in three clauses to make women safer: subsection 6.1, which would make an individual ineligible to hold a firearms licence if they are subject to a protection order or have been convicted of an offence involving violence; subsection 70.1, which would oblige a chief firearms officer who has reasonable grounds to suspect that a licensee may have engaged in domestic violence or stalking to revoke the licence within 24 hours; and subsection 70.2, which would automatically revoke the licence of an individual who becomes subject to a protection order and requires them to deliver the guns to a peace officer within 24 hours.
In my opinion, that keeps Canadian women safer. It is unfortunate that the party opposite wants to revoke Bill , which includes those provisions. It also includes provisions around assault-style weapons, something that was used at Polytechnique Montréal, and that anniversary is coming up on December 6. The Conservative Party still refuses to acknowledge that the individual who killed those women on that day was a legal gun owner at the time, much like the person who went into the Quebec City mosque and killed and injured people.
When we were studying Bill , Blaine Calkins showed up in committee. Sorry, the member for —
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Madam Speaker, I am very pleased to rise today to talk about this issue, although we discussed the Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security's report years ago. It was when the Bloc Québécois proposed to discuss the increase in gun violence. At the time, gun crimes were being committed in broad daylight next to day care centres in cities like Montreal. There had been a shooting in a library. In short, a lot of events led us to determine that we needed to talk about the issue with some urgency. The parties worked really well together to have the Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security conduct a study on the matter.
We then did an exhaustive study in committee, and a report containing 34 recommendations was released in April 2022. That was a few years ago, when the Hon. Jim Carr was chair of the Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security. We salute him. We miss him. All that to say that, rereading the various recommendations this morning, I was disappointed to realize that most of them, although the report was published in 2022 and a major firearms act has since been passed, were never implemented by the government. That is really too bad.
I welcome the opportunity that we have today to once again talk about the Conservatives' idea, because it still seems to be a hot topic. There has not been much of a decline in violent gun crime in recent years, at least not since this report was tabled, so it is a good idea to talk more about this issue and to put more pressure on the government to do something about it.
Earlier, I mentioned to the parliamentary secretary that Bill was indeed a step in the right direction, but that there are a lot of regulations attached to it that have not yet been finalized, even though these are important regulations that could have a positive impact on people's lives, especially the lives of women who are victims of domestic violence. Red flag and yellow flag provisions can provide better protection for these women. It is important to put these measures in pace. We worked hard in committee to create these measures, but they have not yet been implemented.
It is the same thing with all these models of firearms that are still available on the market. People still own assault-type firearms, and they are still in circulation, even though the government banned many of them a few years ago. Some models are extremely similar. As I was saying to my colleague earlier, it does not make sense to me to set up a gun buyback program when people who own a gun on the banned list can hand it over to the government, take the money in return and go out and buy another gun that is basically the same. Why set up a buyback program if that is what is going to happen?
Let us go with a complete ban. Let us sort out the guns that could be used for hunting, because some of the firearms that we identified during the study of Bill C‑21 might be used for hunting. What we proposed to the government at the time was to set up an advisory committee. Why should this be a political decision? We suggested leaving it to neutral experts from all fields to study the matter. We were talking about nearly 500 models that are still out there, and maybe a dozen models that could be used for hunting. We were saying that we should ask these experts to provide recommendations to the government so that the government could then act on them, and that this would then be an opportunity to set up a more serious buyback program instead of taking taxpayers' money just to allow someone to go out and buy a different model.
I will come back to this in more detail, but I also want to talk about the list of 34 recommendations adopted in April 2022. I have to say that we worked well together in committee, and it is quite rare to get unanimity on any topic at the Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security.
It was nice to see all the parties agree that the government should do more to make progress on the firearms violence file. The committee made very good recommendations. I will mention a few of them.
In particular, we wanted to improve data collection about firearms smuggling. This is a very big report. It discusses legislative changes concerning assault-type weapons, as well as illegal firearms trafficking at the border. In particular, it mentions the border crossing at Akwesasne and the collaborative efforts between the various police forces. It also deals extensively with the tracing of firearms and the training of law enforcement officials in this area. In particular, it recommends ongoing training for RCMP officers. Many of the recommendations in the report relate to tracing.
We wanted the Government of Canada to make an effort to divert young people away from gang culture. That is very important. We need to implement preventive measures to reach young people, often from disadvantaged communities, who might be attracted by criminal gangs and commit crimes. It is all related. When we talk about firearms trafficking, about gun violence, we can assume that it is related to drug trafficking, human trafficking or even auto theft. We also discussed that aspect extensively. These are criminal activities that finance other criminal activities, including firearms trafficking. We asked the government to do more to prevent this type of criminal activity. In particular, we asked the government to broaden the national crime prevention strategy by adding more measures. We also asked that it hold a national gun and gang summit in Ottawa. That has not happened, despite the fact that it was recommended in 2022.
Take auto theft, for example. A few months ago, when I raised the issue in the House of Commons, the Conservatives were on board because it is a widespread phenomenon, particularly in Montreal and Toronto. The government wanted to act quickly and launched a national summit on auto theft, which appears to have yielded results. I visited the port of Montreal and the Canada Border Services Agency site nearby. We saw that the police, Équité Association and the Canada Border Services Agency were working together to search containers. We saw how it all works.
Sometimes when we raise issues in the House of Commons, we think it might have an impact on real life. It is interesting. I figure that, if it works for auto theft, why would it not work for gun violence and gangs? A national summit is always a timely idea, and it allows everyone to sit at the same table and talk about what to do next. That is still a useful recommendation that can be implemented any time with little expense. It is always good to establish communication between all the stakeholders.
We also asked the government to tackle the illegal drug trade. As I said earlier, there is still a connection to the opioid epidemic, which leads to things like gun violence and illegal tobacco sales. All these things are related. It is important to bulk up police resources to fight gang violence. People often talk about how important it is to have more officers who can do this work. It is the same with indigenous policing. I talked about the Akwesasne police earlier.
Indigenous police services have been seeking recognition as essential services for years now. They want more resources so they can do their job. I am not targeting that particular indigenous nation at all, but everyone knows this is a very strategic location between Quebec, Ontario and the United States where there is a lot of trafficking. Many people can intervene in that territory, but they have to work together, and they have to work with the Akwesasne police. The report called for enhanced funding and collaboration. Simply put, it called on the Government of Canada to give them the means to achieve their objective of taking action against trafficking in guns, drugs, tobacco and humans.
We see it with migrants who try to come in as part of an irregular arrival. Some have died trying to cross at this very spot. Increased control is really key.
The government was asked to “investigate the need for enhanced border surveillance of international commercial rail operations and ocean freight shipping operations.” The Bloc Québécois produced a supplementary report to this study. Our recommendation was to improve recommendation 19, by pointing out that it is not just a matter of investigating the need, which is quite broad, but rather of strengthening border surveillance.
Many, many, witnesses appeared before the committee. Several of them, including the president of the Customs and Immigration Union, told us that containers arriving by rail and ship are very poorly monitored. If someone can hide cars in there, they can certainly hide firearms. That is why there must be increased surveillance. We asked for that recommendation to be tightened up a little. That is why we included it in the Bloc Québécois supplementary report.
Recommendation 20 called on the government to “allocate additional human and financial resources to the Canada Border Services Agency”. It is a bit ironic, then, to see that hours of service are being reduced at 35 border crossings in Canada, including 10 in Quebec. The media reported it this week. Meanwhile, the President-elect of the United States, Mr. Trump, is threatening to deport millions of people. Understandably, these people may try to cross irregularly into Canada, because there is a loophole in the safe third country agreement that allows them to come to Canada. If they remain undetected for 14 days, they can make a refugee claim at a border crossing or on the Government of Canada's website, with a perfectly regular application.
In other words, people are being encouraged to break the law, enter Canada illegally and then submit a perfectly legal application to remain in Canada. Meanwhile, our integration capacity is already stretched to the limit. That is definitely the case in Quebec, and we are starting to hear other provinces say that it is getting difficult for them to properly receive these individuals as well.
We are telling the government that it needs to pay attention. We are hearing reports that the next U.S. government intends to deport millions of people, but we have no plan for the border. For years, we have been saying that there needs to be more staff, more human resources, but now the government is saying that it is going to reduce operating hours and staff numbers at certain border crossings, including strategic crossings at the Canada-U.S. border. It worries us a bit to hear that.
This morning, I had a meeting with the and I raised this issue with him. If the staff are being reassigned, where are they going? Is the government planning to deploy them to another part of the border to prevent this scenario? I asked the minister that question in the House several times, and he said that everything was going well for now and that when a crisis does arise, it will be dealt with then. That is the problem with this government. Instead of anticipating problems and crises, it waits until the problem blows up in its face before taking action. It is always just a little too late. That is too bad. As far back as April 2022, when it released this report, the committee was already recommending that additional resources be allocated to the Canada Border Services Agency. That still has not been done. In any case, that is what the Customs and Immigration Union is telling us.
Recommendation 22 calls on the government to “develop a standardized schedule and definitions of prohibited firearms within the Criminal Code of Canada, with an emphasis on simplicity and consistency”.
The government decided to do the exact opposite with Bill by proposing an evergreen definition of prohibited firearms. It is difficult to explain what that means in lay terms, but it basically means that the government is prohibiting firearms that do not yet exist. Those that are already in circulation can remain in circulation, but new firearms that are created will be prohibited. As a result, manufacturers are deciding not to create firearms that meet those criteria. They are already getting around the law. In my opinion, this shows that the government's approach did not do much good.
We were forced to adopt that proposal because the previous one was even worse. The government proposed adding a list of just over 1,000 firearms to the Criminal Code. With an endless list of firearms, making changes to the Criminal Code would have been a total nightmare. Although there does not seem to be one perfect solution, that one was far from ideal. As I was saying, firearms that can be extremely dangerous, that can be used for malicious purposes, are being left in circulation.
We know there are law-abiding people out there. That needs to be said. For years, there have been gun owners who have done everything that was asked of them and who take good care of their firearms. They are not a problem for society. We always hear the argument that it is the illegal guns, criminals and street gangs that cause trouble, but the honest gun owners who pay the price. That said, when someone chooses to own a firearm, they have to be aware that there are regulations around gun ownership and that they have to be careful.
That is why I think it is always good to have regulations and laws for people who decide to keep an object in their home that is capable of taking someone's life. However, it is true that it may seem contradictory to leave the door open for criminals and gun traffickers and always go after law-abiding gun owners.
The government's approach was to lump them all together. Even though some of these weapons were used for hunting, the government included them in its bill to ban them. People told the committee that indigenous communities have used firearms like the SKS for hunting for years. Even though mass murders have been committed with SKS rifles, it does not necessarily follow that this weapon should be banned. That is why we asked the government to create an advisory committee with independent experts.
I remember that when I got home after Parliament rose in June 2023, I wrote an email to the 's team to recommend individuals and experts who could be part of the advisory committee. I was told that it was coming and that they would take my suggestions, so I was hoping it would come soon, but it has been radio silence since then. It has been a little over a year.
Members will recall that there was a cabinet shuffle about a month later, in July 2023. I understand that this can lead to delays, but nothing has happened to this day. Some groups are still sounding the alarm. In fact, I am meeting with PolyRemembers later today, and they say that they have only received half of all the things they were promised.
I want to come back to the infamous gun buyback program. It is a good idea, but if a person can sell their gun to the government and then buy another one that does exactly the same thing, the whole exercise was pointless, and taxpayers' money was spent for nothing. There is still a lot that needs to be done.
Earlier this week, the Police Association of Ontario wrote a letter to the and the . The of the Bloc Québécois received a copy. The letter mentions that a significant number of illegal guns are making their way into Canada. We need to look into that. So many gun-related issues remain to be addressed.
I like the new Minister of Public Safety. I trust him. The two of us have good conversations, but since he took office, it seems like things are not getting done. It is too bad, because we, the opposition, did our part in the parliamentary legislative process. Whatever we could do, we did. Now the ball is in the government's court. Addressing this issue will require regulatory measures that only the government can take, but the government is not budging. That is too bad, because the government was elected and re-elected on the promise of improving gun control. Soon it could lose power, and the issue will remain unresolved. It is too bad for the people who believed its promise, like women of PolyRemembers, who have been fighting for nearly 35 years now. They will not get to see these much-touted regulations take effect. It really is too bad.
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Madam Speaker, I am honoured, as always, to rise in the House for the issue of violence, gun violence and protecting communities.
I would like to start by telling Kaylie Smith, 16 years old, from Cobalt that we love her. She was the victim of a horrific trauma and an attempted femicide recently in our community of Cobalt. I want to thank first responders, police and everyone who came out for Kaylie. She is going to make it, but what struck me after that horrific violence was how our community came together, not in rage but to understand that we have to be there to support one another. We love Kaylie; she is going to make it.
The issue of guns and safety is one of the favourite political Punch and Judy shows that I have seen over my 20 years in Parliament. My Liberal and Conservative colleagues get their straw men up, jump up and down, and throw rocks and slogans. Today, we are debating a report that is two years old. It is a great report; it is a powerful report, but nobody has wanted to act on it until now. It is about interrupting government business, so suddenly we are dealing with the issue of guns and gangs, something we need a strategy on.
I want to talk about how this plays out in northern Ontario, where we are seeing levels of gun violence that have never existed before. It is a complex issue how we have gotten to this place. A triad of damage has been done to rural Canada that has caused the unprecedented level of violence we are seeing.
When I say violence, I am talking about young gang members who are coming into very small communities, like Kirkland Lake and Timmins, up the James Bay coast, to prey on people suffering from addictions. We dealt with the Hells Angels 10 years ago. They were organized gangs; they were big gangs, but what we are dealing with now are gangs that have a certain level of chaos. When I talk to frontline workers and OPP officers I have known for years, they say they just want to survive and get home at the end of the day. That is not something we have ever heard in northern Ontario before.
First responders do not know what they are going to see when they go on a trauma call. I have talked to frontline mental health workers who, when they are going into homes to try to keep someone alive, often need flak jackets and backup because they do not know if there are gangs there; they do not know what they are going to see.
We can take a very simplistic approach and blame the from Papineau for his soft-on-crime agenda, and then get a couple of Conservative bumper stickers that say we are going to fight the crime, do the time and axe the wax, all that talk, or we can talk about how we are in a situation that has made our communities vulnerable to chaos and predatory violence.
It begins with the walk-away that began under Brian Mulroney, which was then totally delivered by Paul Martin with his walk-away on housing. When I was younger, I worked with men coming out of prison. I worked with refugees. I worked with addicts on the street. The first step was to get them into housing, and the first housing we got them into were crappy boarding houses in the crappy neighbourhoods in South Riverdale. If we could get them in there and sobered up, just for a month, we could get them on the list for social housing.
I remember my good friend Robert, who had one of the worst levels of addiction I had ever seen. I did not think Robert would make it to the end of the month, but we finally got him into housing. Robert had caused an enormous cost to the health system. Every night we were at emergency wards, psych wards or detox clinics. We got him into safe housing in a rotten boarding house. We got him into safe housing in the public system. Robert lived for the next 20 years and never went to the hospital again.
That was from the public investment in housing, and the great lie—
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Madam Speaker, I was speaking about the policies that we had in place up to the time of Brian Mulroney and Paul Martin, when we had investments in public housing. We were then told the great lie of Paul Martin, who delivered that lie with a straight face, that the private sector would step up and build all the housing we need. It did not happen and people began to fall through the cracks. How did that lead to where we are today? It was a slow-moving hurricane. Slowly, year by year, the housing crisis and the homeless crisis got worse, to the point we are at today, where 235,000 Canadians face homelessness.
That was the first part of the undermining of our communities. The second part was the opioid crisis. We know that it started with Purdue Pharma and the licensing of OxyContin, which was first licenced in the mid- to late 1990s in Canada, despite the fact that there was a massive increase in opioid per pill. It should have been in a restricted category but it was not. Why was OxyContin so key? It was not until about 2008 or 2009 that we began to see serious devastation in our communities. That was 10 years into the opioid crisis in Kentucky and West Virginia, with mass lawsuits being launched against the predatory practices of Purdue Pharma after its 10-year track record of abusing this supposed medicine.
The government at the time, under Stephen Harper, paid no attention to what was coming over the border. I remember that in 2008-09, people were beginning to get addicted. People going to the doctor because they had a wrist problem and people who went to the dentist for wisdom teeth were being given OxyContin. We began to see people becoming addicted who would never have been addicted before. People did not go on the streets and get heroin in our little communities, but they got OxyContin and became addicted. By the time the federal government stepped up and banned OxyContin, which was around 2011-12, we already had a massive problem of opioid addiction across demographics that had never suffered something like this before.
That is when fentanyl came in. I remember the very first fentanyl death in our region. I remember that young man; I remember his family. We were so unprepared, because, again, there was nobody at the federal government level at the time, under Stephen Harper, paying attention to what fentanyl was doing.
At this stage, we have had over 21,000 opioid deaths in just the last four years. It has cut through every community in our country. Every community has suffered. We have a rising homeless population and have a rising addiction problem. Fentanyl and the other drugs that come with it have created an incredibly destabilized situation at a time when government was walking away from mental health services and at a time when government was not there for the people who needed supports.
That leads us to the crisis of the abandonment of mental health and basic programs, the opioid crisis and the inability to get people into safe housing, many of them in the population aimed at by the gangs that have become increasingly violent and dangerous. We need a strategy that addresses this and we do not have a strategy. What we get from the Conservatives are bumper sticker slogans. They say they are going to fight the crime.
Then there is what we have heard again and again in testimony. Myron Demkiw, chief of police of the Toronto Police Service, talked about the need for safe supply and wraparound services. The member who lives in the big house Stornoway has been lighting gasoline fires all over the opioid crisis in all our communities, claiming that safe supply means the is giving out drugs on the street, which is an absolute falsehood. We do not need slogans and incendiary language. We need solutions. We need to keep people alive. That is number one. We also need to give the police the tools to go after predatory gangs.
Something that I have not heard from the Liberals is the ability to target the gangs who are coming in, and to get them out. It is certainly one of the issues that has been raised to me in the first nations communities of the north. People want the ability to police and protect their communities. When someone suddenly comes into a fly-in community, who has never been there before and is selling fentanyl, community leaders want the power to say, “Buddy, you are out the door; we are not even going to let you off the plane.”
In fly-in communities in the north, we can get on a plane to get into Fort Albany or Attawapiskat or Neskantaga with our bag, and we can be carrying as much fentanyl as we want. We cannot get on an Air Canada plane with a bag without being searched. What I have heard in Treaty 9 is that people want Transport Canada to give them the authority that if someone is flying into one of the fly-in communities they have to go through security searches so that they are not carrying guns and fentanyl. This is a straightforward thing. It is about keeping people safe.
I want to be able to go home to the communities that I represent and tell police officers who have done 35 years of service in small-town Canada that they can go home at the end of the day and be safe. I want to tell our frontline workers that when they go out on a call, they should not need a flak jacket; they should not need two OPP cruisers outside the door because there are predatory gangs who have taken over that housing complex. That is the reality in small-town Canada, and solutions are not being talked about; what is being talked about are the excuses.
One of the things that I find very concerning is that my Conservative colleagues' solutions only work if we all live by the fact of having no memory. I remember when Vic Toews was the minister of public safety. Some members may not remember Vic Toews. He was convicted of violating the Elections Canada Act. That is a black mark and Stephen Harper made him pretty much top of the justice department anyway. He brought in the legislation that was going to force telecoms to create backdoor routes into every Canadian cellphone so he could spy on them. The Conservatives accuse this of spying on Canadians. This Prime Minister is an absolute amateur compared to what Vic Toews was going to do, which was a total violation of civil liberties of every single Canadian so he could listen in on their phone calls. That same Vic Toews, of course, then was found guilty of breaking conflict of interest guidelines for hustling gigs for groups that were “seeking relief against a decision in which he had been involved as a minister of the Crown.” Let us talk about dodgy.
I mention Vic Toews because he also stood in the House one day and accused the opposition members that they were either on the Conservatives' side or the side of the child pornographers. This was at a time when he was cutting 1,100 jobs from border security. They were the people whose job it was to keep out fentanyl gangs, guns, predators and child pornographers. Let us remember that Jean-Pierre Fortin, who was the national president of the Customs and Immigration Union, stated that because of what the Harper government was doing on cutting border security, “more child pornography entering the country, more weapons, illegal drugs will pass through our borders, not to mention terrorists, and sexual predators and hardened criminals.” That does not fit on a bumper sticker, but that was the fact and that was the reality of what the current Liberal government inherited because of the Harper cuts. Vic Toews, at the time, said that was all fearmongering.
Vic Toews cut the intelligence unit on border security in half. How were we going to defend ourselves against international criminal gangs when he cut the intelligence service? He cut the sniffer-dog teams. That is a no-brainer. Sniffer-dog teams are not all that expensive, but sniffer-dog teams will tell us where the drugs are. Stephen Harper did not care. He fired those people because it was going to save some money.
Therefore, when the Conservatives say that they would get tough on the crime and they would take on the blah-blah, let us remember what they did. Let us remember how they cut the police crime prevention programs that helped communities support themselves so that they could keep the gangs out and support their communities.
Let us remember Tony Clement. There was $50 million in border security that he hoovered into his personal office to give out. What did he do?
He paid for a sunken boat. That was not a good use of money. There were the Muskoka gazebos; he was building gazebos all over the rural parts of his riding. He built a fake lake. Muskoka has the most beautiful lakes in the country, except for those in . There was Tony Clement. The lakes were not good enough. He had to create a fake lake. I remember Steamboat Tony. He was another one who went down in ethical flames.
We are not even going to go through all the famous dark ethical violations of the Harper government. I mention Tony Clement because Stephen Harper thought it was a great idea to take money for border security to keep Canadians safe and give it to Tony Clement to buy sunken boats in Muskoka. Imagine what is going to happen under the guy who is living in Stornoway, if he ever gets in.
The other thing that I find really concerning is we have these serious issues of gun violence and gangs that we have to focus on. The Liberals have dropped the ball a thousand times on these issues. I want to be able to go home to Northern Ontario and tell our frontline workers and families who are suffering from addictions that they can be safe, and that our communities are never going to be bases for this kind of violence.
I cannot assure them of that now, and it worries me. It worries me when I have seen what is happening to communities that have always had each other's backs and have looked out for each other. Communities cannot do it on their own. If we talk to the municipalities anywhere in the north about the homeless crisis, they are going to say, “Where's the federal government?” When we talk to the communities about the opioid crisis, they are going to say that what the member who lives in Stornoway has been saying is like pouring gasoline on their efforts of keeping people alive.
If we talk to the police in Timmins or the OPP, they are going to say that we cannot arrest our way out of this crisis. It is complex. I am proud of the people on the front lines in my region, like the Mushkegowuk Fire Keepers who walk the streets of Timmins to keep people alive and safe. That is a program we initiated in Timmins—James Bay. It should be a national program, in the indigenous urban regions, people on the streets keeping people safe. They deserve better than this political Punch and Judy show.
Rather than talking about these issues, this morning the Conservatives were talking about Grandpa Bill's hunting rifle. That is a total falsehood. I am a gun owner. My wife is a gun owner. Imagine the member for Stornoway out in the bush. He is saying, “They're going after your turkey gun.” No, they are not.
The government is going after the assault weapons that have killed people. It is going to go after handguns that are coming over the border. In the latest falsehoods, from the guy who used pictures of Serbia and Malaysia as Canada, and hunters from Oklahoma, they said they were going to defend Pa and Joe Jr. going out with their orange hats. That is a total falsehood. We have freaking fentanyl gangs in our communities that need to be dealt with. The government is not going after Grandpa Joe.
That is the misinformation that is coming from the Conservatives. The Liberals, with their Punch and Judy show, do not even remember how to punch anymore. I need to be able to go home to our communities and say that we will keep people safe, we will keep families alive and we will restore balance with those wraparound services that the police have talked about.
:
Mr. Speaker, I will be sharing my time with my colleague, the hon. member for .
This December 6 will mark the 35th anniversary of the Polytechnique massacre in Montreal, a tragedy that forever marked my community. Fourteen women were brutally murdered with an assault weapon simply because they were women. This event remains a poignant reminder of the dangers posed by hatred, especially when coupled with easy access to firearms like the Ruger Mini-14, a semi-automatic weapon created for the battlefield, not for our streets.
As Quebec and the entire country prepare to commemorate this sombre anniversary, we must work to strengthen our gun control laws, our laws governing assault weapons and handguns. We should not be putting these weapons back on our streets, as Conservative members are incessantly calling for. I do not know about my colleagues, but I do not want an American-style gun culture and neither do the survivors or the PolyRemembers activists. I will continue to work with them every day to make sure of that.
Let us be very clear. There is still work to be done and I am determined to continue to do that work. We need to work for stronger gun control, not just to honour the memory of victims, but also to prevent other tragedies, like the one that occurred at École polytechnique, and to take real action to protect the lives and safety of all. That is our duty as a federal government. We do not want any more mass shootings.
[English]
I was born and grew up just a few blocks away from Polytechnique. The night that 14 women were gunned down, in 1989, I was just a little kid. I was waiting for my dad to come home and he did not. It was late and getting dark and I waited by the door. It was before everyone carried around cellphones. By the time he did get home, I saw the look on his face. He was there that night, outside Polytechnique, watching as bodies were taken into ambulances. When I asked why and how, no answer was forthcoming. What does one tell a little girl about a femicide?
When I was first elected, I promised my community I would make stronger gun control a priority in my work in Ottawa, and I did. Our government has since banned 1,500 models of assault weapons, including the gun that was used 35 years ago at Polytechnique. I support PolyRemembers' call to finish the job that was started.
Assault weapons belong on the battlefield, not on our streets, despite the fact the Conservatives are desperate to bring these guns back into our communities. By doing the gun lobby’s dirty work in Parliament, they show their true colours. They are weak on security and soft on crime.
They are also weak when it comes to securing our border, including by voting against more funds for border enforcement. Our police and border officials have been very clear on multiple occasions that the measures we implement to strengthen our border are key to keeping back the flow of illegal guns coming into our country. When the Conservatives talk about the importance of protecting our borders, they should remember that they cut funding for the borders when they were in power. Since then, our government has invested nearly $1.5 billion in border enforcement and security, as well as border policing.
We are investing in gang prevention strategies. We increased the RCMP's capacity to trace gun crimes and to build a national system that allows for the flagging of the illegal purchasing of firearms. We also provided the RCMP and our border agency, the CBSA, with additional resources at the border to target firearms smuggling and trafficking.
We have signed 82 agreements with municipalities and indigenous communities to stop gun violence before it starts and to help stem the flow of illegal guns crossing our borders.
Two years ago, we banned the importation, sale and purchase of handguns. That means handguns are not allowed through our borders. That means the law does not allow stores to sell handguns. It means people cannot go out and buy handguns. Handguns are not used for hunting; they are used against other people. They are getting into the hands of our young people through gangs. They are getting into the hands of people who are scared and feel they need to be packing one in order to feel safe.
Statistics show that the proliferation of guns does not make people more safe; it makes people less safe. Handguns are used in more than half of violent crimes involving firearms. The Conservatives like to talk about police, selectively quoting from some police unions, but we know that the head of the police chiefs has supported our gun control measures and our ban on the sale and importation of handguns.
I do not think we can close our eyes to the reality just south of our border. For the third year in a row, gun violence is the leading cause of death among children and teens in the United States. This is not the culture we want to import into Canada. As a mother, it is sickening to me to think that the Conservatives and the are promising to flood our streets with dangerous weapons.
[Translation]
In 2017, a man stormed the Quebec City mosque with a handgun. He took the lives of six innocent people and wounded five others. I had the opportunity to visit the mosque. Even many years later, the pain is still just as great, just as heavy.
We owe it to them to do everything in our power to prevent other horrors of this kind. That is why we banned the sale, purchase and importation of handguns across Canada. When I walk the streets of my community, when I am out and about in Côte-des-Neiges, mothers stop me and share their concerns with me. They are feeling the increase in gang and gun crime. They want to get more guns off our streets, not put them back on the streets, as the Conservative Party is asking every day and as the Conservative has promised to do if he is elected.
It is for the safety of our communities and the safety of our children that we are working for stronger gun control here in Canada.
:
Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the member for for splitting her time with me. I appreciated her comments and what she has provided today in terms of the substance of the issue and the report, which is a very important report. She spoke very passionately about why that is and the deep connections the issue has to her community.
I am going to spend my time talking about why I think we are even debating the report today in the House. In order to do that, I have to set the context of what is currently going on at the public safety committee. Members of the committee, except for the Conservatives, are trying to undertake a study on foreign interference by Russia and India. The Conservatives on the committee have been using tactic after tactic, by introducing new motions or by filibustering at times, to prevent any study on foreign interference from occurring. They have been successful at times and unsuccessful at others.
What the Conservatives have done today is really interesting. The report was tabled in the House by the late Jim Carr, who was the chair of the committee at the time, on April 25, 2022, over two and a half years ago. What is even more remarkable is that it was not even a contentious report; the report was adopted by the public safety committee unanimously. Everybody agreed to it.
For those watching at home, I will say that reports are brought to this place and tabled all the time. Very rarely do they get brought into a motion of concurrence like this, but it is happening today. Anyone following the proceedings over the last couple of months would have noticed, quite frankly, that the Conservatives have been doing this a lot lately in order to just interject new ways to slow down Parliament and make it very difficult for it to function, if not bring it to a complete standstill.
What makes the matter interesting is that not only did the Conservatives use the concurrence motion to do this but they also brought a report that was introduced in the House over two and a half years ago and was voted on unanimously. Then they put forward an amendment that clearly they had no interest in when the report was tabled, because they would not have otherwise voted for the report unanimously.
I did challenge the individual who moved the amendment. In the amendment they brought in when they introduced this, they have added a whole list of things. First, they want to send the report back to committee, a unanimous report that was sent to the House two and a half years ago. They say they are not happy with it and they want the committee to look at it again.
The Conservatives want the committee to hold four more meetings, to bring the to committee and invite the Toronto Police Association, the Surrey police union, the Canadian Association of Elizabeth Fry Societies and John Howard Society of Canada to attend. Why this is important is that an order of the House, which would be made through the motion, would direct the committee to do the work. The committee would then have to stop everything it is doing and undertake the direction of the House.
I bring colleagues back to how I set the stage at the beginning of my speech as to what is going on at the committee. The Conservatives cannot get away with what they are trying to do at committee by preventing the study on foreign interference, so they are now using an opportunity to amend a unanimous consent report from two and a half years ago to direct the committee to undertake new work, which would further delay the work it is supposed to be doing on looking into foreign interference.
We must ask this question: Why would the Conservatives dig up a two-and-a-half year-old report and put a huge amendment on it to force the committee to do all this work to avoid talking about foreign interference from India and Russia?
At the same time, the refuses to get a security clearance. Every other leader of a political party of the House has a security clearance. They use the information they obtain when they get that security clearance to make sure they can keep their members safe, their party safe and all Canadians safe. The Leader of the Opposition is the only political party leader who refuses to even apply for a security clearance. Why is that? We also know that there have been reports that the Conservative leadership contest through which he was elected was interfered with by foreign agents.
This is what we know: We know that the refuses to get a security clearance or even apply for it. We know that it is alleged that the Conservative Party was interfered with by foreign actors, and we know that the Conservative members on the public safety committee are willing to dig up a two-and-a half-year-old report that they voted on unanimously and moved massive amendments to, to force the committee to do new work so they can avoid continuing on with the study on foreign interference. I think I do not need to elaborate or to take any kind of liberties in terms of drawing a conclusion; most people can draw the conclusion on their own.
What is the hiding? There is something in his past that he knows would prevent him from being able to get a security clearance, and Canadians have a right to know what that is, so I am very concerned not only with the lengths to which the Leader of the Opposition is going to hide whatever it is in his past, but also with the members of the public safety committee, because they are complicit when they help him do the work to hide it.
We should not be surprised by any of this, because the Conservatives are good soldiers, at least after they get caught, because we know that 18 or 19 of them were sending letters behind their 's back to the government, looking for help. However, we do know, based on a recent report from November 20, that:
After two years of [the Leader of the Opposition] as their leader, many Conservative MPs say they are much less free now than they were before his arrival.
The man who promised during his leadership run to make Canada “the freest country in the world” maintains tight control over the actions of his caucus members....
Some elected officials feel they come to caucus—
and it is a Conservative MP who said this
— “to be told what to do and what to think”....
That is not freedom; that is the 's telling his MPs what to do, and only he gets to say. He is telling the four members who sit on the public safety committee to not let the study go forward on foreign interference as it relates to India and China. He does not want them to study the issue, because he is so afraid of what might come of it.
Conservatives, if they genuinely had nothing to hide and if they genuinely had an interest in protecting this country, would ensure that the study at the public safety committee can proceed so the truth can be found out so all Canadians can know what we are dealing with, especially as we approach an election.
:
Mr. Speaker, I rise here today to speak to the report of the Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security entitled “A Path Forward: Reducing Gun and Gang Violence in Canada”.
This report was completed and tabled in April 2022, two and a half years ago. Now we want to debate and vote on this report. However, the report is no longer valid, given that a lot of information about public safety has changed in the past two and a half years. When we look at what was proposed in the report, it is important to first note that the report was not unanimous and that the three opposition parties all presented supplementary reports. The initial report, although lengthy, was not good enough for all the parties.
That is why we brought forward an amendment today calling for this study to be reopened in order to complete it and obtain much more up-to-date information on the public safety situation and the criminal use of firearms in Canada. We also need information on the rise of street gangs in cities across Canada.
We need to talk about this. We have known this for a long time, but, for the past nine years, it has always been clear to us that the Liberals and public safety are not synonymous. Measures were taken. Each time, the government said it was making investments, but the fact is, the right hand was spending money while the left was amending the Criminal Code to reduce the law's impact on criminals.
Consider Bill , which was brought into force, and Bill . Among other things, Bill C‑75 allows criminals to be arrested and released multiple times in the same day. Bill C‑5 allows criminals to serve jail time at home watching Netflix instead of in a penitentiary, where they belong. The public figured that out pretty quickly when these bills came into force. Most police services and victim protection groups have said it makes no sense. The report was tabled two and a half years ago, and nothing has been done about it since. Meanwhile, the government has enacted bills that have made the public safety situation in this country even worse.
The report contains a number of recommendations. One of them calls on the government to acknowledge the fact that a public safety problem exists. This is unbelievable. The idea that the committee would have to tell the government to wake up because we have a problem is disturbing enough.
On top of that, a huge number of witnesses who appeared before the committee clearly told us that the gun crime problem was not caused by registered gun owners. Representatives of the Toronto Police Association, the Toronto Police Service and police associations in Quebec and across the country told us the same thing. We have been saying this for a long time, and the witnesses confirmed it.
Unfortunately, the main report neglected to take the police recommendations into account. The Conservative Party had to draft a supplementary report to highlight the various recommendations made by these organizations, which clearly explain that street gangs and criminals are using trafficked guns arriving mainly from the United States. They say that over 80% of crimes involve guns that are not registered anywhere and were purchased illegally. That is the real problem. That is the main problem right there.
Rather than tackling the main problem, the recommendations call for guns to be taken away from all Canadians who have firearms licenses. This led to the infamous 2020 ban, which sought to take away all firearms. The Liberals and the Bloc Québécois were scaring Canadians by saying that law-abiding gun owners were criminals. Meanwhile, real crimes are being committed in the dark, behind the scenes. That is the problem.
I have a firearms licence myself, and I own guns. I am a law-abiding citizen and my guns are registered. I have been vetted. I am a member of a gun club. I do what I have to do. All gun owners are law-abiding citizens. However, the thugs on the streets of Montreal who drive around with guns hidden in their cars did not buy their guns at a firearms retailer. They bought them on the black market. They commit their crimes with these weapons, and they do not care.
It is important to understand that it is going to cost at least $3 billion to buy back the firearms that law-abiding citizens, who are doing nothing wrong, have at home. We could take that money and invest it in control mechanisms for the police, for the border, so that we can work with Akwesasne to check what is illegally entering the country. Unfortunately, that is an area where there is a lot of gun trafficking. The reserve abuts the U.S. and Canada in both Ontario and Quebec. We need to focus our efforts on gun control. That is where we need to put our energy and money. We should not be buying back firearms from law-abiding citizens, hunters and sport shooters who have done nothing wrong.
We have been talking about this for years. We are not even close to reaching an agreement. I do not know why my Liberal, Bloc Québécois and NDP colleagues cannot understand this logic. Instead of saying that this is what we should do, they are trying to scare people. We need to crack down on criminals. That is where we need to focus our efforts and investments. That is the situation with gun control.
Arms trafficking is another issue. We are talking about crime on the streets, especially the rise in gang crime. Even the Hells Angels are afraid of these criminals. They are incredibly violent and dangerous. Every police force and victims' group will say that this is the biggest problem. I introduced Bill , which was unfortunately blocked by the Liberals and the NDP. Its aim was to undo the legislation that came out of Bill . That law is completely stupid. When criminals on the streets saw it, they rubbed their hands together with glee and thanked the because now they can go about committing crime without the least bit of concern. At worst, they will serve a prison sentence at home. They will take a little break, drink a beer, watch Netflix, and then go back out on the street. They will not be out of commission for long. That is what is happening; we predicted it.
We said during debate that this was what was going to happen, as in the case of Bill C-75, and it is happening. It is happening now. None of the studies that were done prior to Bill C-5 and Bill mention it. That is why we need to reopen the committee's study. We need to confirm what has been happening for the past two and a half years, since these two laws were passed and came into force. Crime has skyrocketed. If we do not, the current report might as well just sit on a shelf. It is really not up to date. Things have changed, and that is because the government has implemented completely stupid measures.
When it comes to firearms, Conservatives think that law-abiding citizens, sport shooters and hunters who have a licence and who are monitored should be left alone. First, Canada's laws are very strict. It is very complicated to own a gun. People who do own guns obey the law. Measures already exist. They are already in place. Why is the government attacking these people?
Second, we have to go back to the criminal side of things, strengthen the criminal laws, undo the laws that came out of Bill C-75 and Bill C-5, restore order in the Criminal Code to allow judges and police officers to do their work and apply justice that is reasonable and makes the streets safer. It is simple, really. The rest is political gobbledygook that I do not understand.
I was the Conservative Party public safety critic for three years. I heard people, Liberal and NDP colleagues, say all sorts of things. I wondered what planet they were living on. We are not dealing with the same reality. We might say that there are virtual realities in Canada. We do not all have two feet on the ground.
Let us come back to the report and the recommendations. The Conservatives' supplementary opinion was essentially what I am saying today. That is what we want. That is what police services want. The victims' groups I met with, who supported my Bill C‑325, do not understand what the government, backed by the other parties, has done. They want us to restore order to this country.
It is simple. Change the law. Restore order. Instead of buying back firearms from law-abiding citizens, put money into border control to help police services do their job. That will solve the vast majority of the problems in this country.